Abstract
In this study, perceptual mapping was used to identify the
collective and individual positions of ten big emerging markets or
"BEMs" as they are more commonly called. The perceived
position of the "ideal" market or nation also was captured by
the study's findings. FDI executives who were surveyed indicated
that some "BEMs" have positioned themselves strategically in
terms of their availability of and access to markets and resources. The
stability of a market's or nation's political and economic
environments, as well as business environment, also contributes to a
nation's perceived position. Some "BEMs" appear better
positioned to take advantage of their strengths, whereas others face
long-term FDI obstacles.
Introduction
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is an integral component of the
globalization of the world's economy, as well as a key aspect of
every nation's economic development efforts. Virtually all nations
are eager to attract FDI, as evidenced by the immense financial
investments that developing and developed nations have attracted and
continue to attract (Jenkins, 1995; UN 1998 and 1999). Indeed, the
success of a given nation in attracting foreign capital is a direct
result of that nation's market or resources attractiveness, or
both, and the presence and availability of investment opportunities
(Aitken, et al., 1997).
In recent years, the social, economic, and political environments
governing foreign direct investment in many previously closed economies
have undergone something of a metamorphosis (Boycko, et al., 1994; Kamm,
1992; Sachs and Warner, 1995). These nations have changed from
essentially closed economies or markets advocating protectionism,
subsidies, and increased regulations to more market and growth-oriented
positions espousing regulatory reform, market expansion, and private
sector development. In turn, these changes have encouraged many foreign
direct investors to revise their list of nations considered desirable
FDI candidates. While still largely comprised of developed nations, many
FDI lists now include nations known as "BEMs," big emerging
markets. In this instance, a big emerging market's status is not a
function of its per capita GNP, but relies on economic and demographic
measures that cut across all four stages of economic development
(Garten, 1997).
"BEMs" consist of nations located around the globe that
have experienced rapid economic growth for the past decade (Keegan and
Green, 2003). It is because of this rapid growth and the resulting
market opportunities that the Columbia Journal of World Business
dedicated a special issue to "BEMs" (1996). (1) (Ten countries
generally are recognized as big emerging markets. These nations include
China, India, Indonesia, South Korea, Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, South
Africa, Poland, and Turkey (Garten, 1997).
In the past, the US has invested mightily in emerging nations, both
big and otherwise. However, US investment in emerging nations has
dwindled in recent years. While various reasons may explain this trend,
perhaps the most apparent reason is the delicate balance that often
exists between risk and reward (Ramcharran, 2000). This balance has
proven tenuous in emerging nations. While conspicuous in form and
magnitude at times, in other instances, the risk associated with an
emerging nation often is intangible and based largely upon perception.
Given the previous comments and the limited amount of empirical
information that exists concerning the relative and/or perceived market
position of various big emerging nations as FDI alternatives, this
research was conducted. The basic purpose of the research was to
identify the market position of the ten big emerging nations as
perceived by American business executives experienced in foreign direct
investment decisions. Specific objectives of the study were to:
1. Empirically establish the perceived market position of the ten
big emerging nations;
2. Develop perceived profiles of each individual nation;
3. Develop an aggregate profile of the ideal nation vis-a-vis the
ten big emerging nations studied.
Background
The issue of foreign direct investment can be approached from the
perspective of investing companies, as well as from that of recipient
countries. There seems to be a consensus in the literature that
multinational enterprises invest in foreign countries to either create a
competitive advantage or sustain the competitive advantage that they
were able to create in their domestic markets (Cho and Moon, 1998; Clark
1996; Ensign, 1993; Hill and Jones, 2000; Hitt 1996). This is possible
because investing in foreign countries allows companies to both expand
their sales and realize locational advantages. Expanding sales can help
increase a company's market power and profits, and enhance its low
cost position. Companies also can achieve competitive advantage by
benefiting from such national resources as abundant and cheaper raw
materials, readily available labor supply, lower transportation costs,
and financial incentives (Earle and Estrin, 1996; Estrin and Meyer,
1998).
However, what is unclear is the role FDI plays in the recipient
countries' economic development efforts. Research has resulted in
conflicting conclusions as to whether foreign direct investments are
more productive than similar investments by domestic companies (Taylor,
2000). Still, it is widely recognized that FDI is playing an increasing
role in the global economy. According to a United Nations report,
beginning in the early 1980s, FDI increased at an unprecedented compound
annual rate of 29%, reaching a world stock of FDI of $1.7 trillion at
the end of 1990 (UN, 1992). Though most of the foreign direct investment
outflows go to developed economies, FDI has become a critical ingredient
of the gross domestic product and gross fixed capital formation for
developing economies (Dunning, 1993). As a result, FDI is increasingly
becoming an important policy issue (Taylor, 2000).
As noted earlier, the 1990s witnessed a bevy of governmental
initiatives that codified changes in public policies toward free
enterprise and foreign direct investments in many emerging nations
(Jones, 2000; Orton, 2000; Ramcharran, 2000). Several East and Central
European governments (e.g., Poland and Turkey) enacted competition laws
and bilateral investment treaties aimed at encouraging foreign
investments (El-Said and McDonald, 2001; Hobeika, 2001; Middle East
Executive Reports, 1999; Parsons, 2002; Tatoglu and Glaister, 1998). In
turn, the success of these countries in their efforts to develop
market-oriented economies has made them candidates for the European
Union (McCrary, 2000; Orton, 2000). Clearly, nations such as these,
which have initiated market-oriented economies, offer the best
opportunities for multinationals seeking to invest in emerging
countries. Besides these nations, India also has launched, albeit with
limited success, an assault on the remnants of their old command
economies (Azzam, 2001; Dhume, 2000).
The last decade of the twentieth century offered ample
opportunities and challenges for foreign direct investments in emerging
economies. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the disintegration of
the Soviet Union marked a turning point in the role that both
multinational enterprises and national governments played in
facilitating the creation of a sustainable and balanced economic
environment. Now, there is virtual agreement among these, and all other
nations, that foreign direct investment is beneficial (Wallace, 1990).
Though much of the interest of multinational investors remains focused
on developed countries, big emerging markets have been and continue to
be attractive FDI alternatives (Dunning, 1988 and 1993).
Despites the progress that has been made in reforming political and
economic systems, a number of challenges continue to impede the flow of
foreign direct investments into emerging nations. As Dunning (1993)
suggests, the most important of these challenges are the political
systems, values, and ideologies that most emerging nations inherited as
a result of a centralized economy. These nations still have several
obstacles that need to be eradicated in order to develop market-oriented
economies and attract foreign investments (Ramcharran, 2000).
For decades, FDI was perceived as a threat to national sovereignty.
As a result, government policy and legislation were devised to severely
restrict foreign investments, particularly from the United States.
Despite recent pro FDI changes, many emerging countries continue to
suffer from this legacy (Jones, 2000). Despite its ambitious efforts,
India (one of the largest BEMs) is still unable to bolster
investors' confidence. The Indian Ministry of Industry has issued
new guidelines on joint ventures that while easing local ownership
requirements, continue to force foreign investors to waste months or
even years in negotiations with Indian partners (Viswanathan, 2000).
While most big emerging nations have put in place democratic or
pseudo-democratic institutions, many continue to suffer institutional
instability. To implement market economies, new democracies may impose
hardships on a population accustomed to the welfare state. In turn, this
reliance leads to a rise in the popularity of political parties that
threaten new democratic and market-oriented institutions. Thus, the
prospect that these nations can at any time fall back into political and
economic instability can negatively affect the perceptions that foreign
investors have of these nations (Middle East Executive Reports, 2001;
Townsend, 2002).
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