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Aboriginal forestry in New Brunswick: conflicting paradigms (1).


by Blakney, Sherrie
Environments • August, 2003 •

A number of concerns and policy recommendations were suggested by the people of Two Rivers First Nation that involved the restructuring of relationships between First Nations, governments and industry. Among their concerns were the tensions that exist between traditional and elected band councils. Band councillors proposed that a co-management system be arranged between governments, industries and First Nations. Under co-management, First Nation communities would share management responsibilities for natural resources. They proposed a co-management system that would be administered through long term-agreements with their communities working in cooperation with the Department of Natural Resources and industry. All parties would comply with the Crown Lands and Forestry Act of New Brunswick and would consult with First Nations if these acts were amended. Over time the forest management plan would be amended to include traditional holistic values and First Nations would become involved with all amendments to allowable cuts involving representatives from each community or region in the decision making process. The latest techniques in forest management would be deployed to ensure sustainability, Aboriginal people would be trained in forestry and Aboriginal involvement in intergovernmental affairs would be promoted. Gas, oil and other sub-surface resources would be included in the management plan and the Two Rivers community would be classified as a "company" for forestry purposes. These changes would allow forestry allocations to be assigned to the community rather than individual loggers and Two Rivers would have the power to hire harvesters, set prices and determine the rate of wood harvesting on their land. Value-added lumber and specialty items could be manufactured providing increased employment for Aboriginal youth and the unemployed.

Traditional people have a slightly different set of priorities and recommendations. They want to see a two-way flow of information between governments, industries and Aboriginal people. They want to ensure that they will be consulted before forest policies are made and to subordinate forest harvesting technology to environmental and employment considerations. They also want to see the forest management plan amended to reflect holistic values and diversified yield considerations. Regionally specific, traditional assessments would be done to ensure the protection or relocation of rare species and more Aboriginal people would have to be involved in the decision-making process to help alleviate strained relationships between band members and their elected councils. Traditionally-oriented band members also argue that forestry policy planners should know their own culture and learn local Aboriginal languages because most traditional environmental knowledge does not translate well into the concepts of the dominant settler society. Policy makers, they pointed out, should be fully aware of the rights of Aboriginal people and avoid inappropriate and racist policy decisions. Finally, they advocate the principle that forest management decisions should be based on long-term planning and not tied to short-term political or economic goals.

Since concepts of forestry, management, conservation, property, and traditional knowledge, are quite diverse and often contradictory, it is necessary that Aboriginal people come to an agreement about the relationships they want to have with their resources at the local level and that they adhere to some form of regulatory unit, be it a community-based agency, the administrative institutions of the DNR, or forms of joint administration. While the resolution of conflict in the forests of New Brunswick is not an impossible task, the situation is difficult and complex. Effective conflict resolution requires political will at many levels of government to make positive changes. Aboriginal people need to come together as communities and present a united voice to the dominant society. The Euro-Canadian leadership needs to admit that perhaps they do not have all the answers and that there may be other equally valid ways of managing forests. If Aboriginal people and Euro-Canadian leaders make these changes then it may be possible to achieve appropriate solutions to Aboriginal forestry issues in New Brunswick.

(1) This paper is based on the author's MA thesis (Blakney 2000).

(2) As noted, this is a pseudonym.

(3) Unless specifically noted, all information in this section comes from interview transcripts.

(4) Without prejudice' indicates that the agreement cannot be construed as an admission of liability or used as evidence in court proceedings

(5) Pseudonym used to protect privacy of the First Nation.

(6) The 10,000 [m.sup.3] hardwood allocation was cut and 43,000 [m.sup.3] of softwood was harvested instead of the allotted 35,000 [m.sup.3].

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