"Dining while black": tipping as social artifact.

(28.) As explained to us by Joe R. Feagin. For example, see: McConahay, Hardee, and Batts, op. cit.; John B. McConahay, "Modern Racism, Ambivalence, and the Modern Racism Scale," in Dovidio and Gaertner, op. cit., pp. 91-125; Dovidio and Gaertner, op. cit.; Patricia G. Devine and Andrew J. Elliot, "Are Racial Stereotypes Really Fading? The Princeton Trilogy Revisited," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, vol. 21 (1998), pp. 1139-50; John F. Dovidio and Samuel L. Gaertner, "The Aversive Form of Racism," in Stereotypes and Prejudice: Essential Readings, ed. C. Stangor (Philadelphia: Psychology Press/Taylor & Francis, 2000), pp. 61-89; Feagin et al., op. cit.; and Bonilla-Silva, op. cit.

(29.) See: Erving Goffman, Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Garden City: Doubleday Anchor, 1959); Erving Goffman, Relations in Public (New York: Basic, 1971); and Leslie Houts, "Back Stage Racial Events and White College Students" (unpublished manuscript, University of Florida, 2003).

(30.) Dovidio and Gaertner (1986, 2000), op. cit.

(31.) Houts, loc. cit.

(32.) Thomas F. Pettigrew and Joanne Martin. "Shaping the Organizational Context for Black-American Inclusion," Journal of Social Issues, vol. 43 (1987), pp. 41-78.

(33.) Gordon Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Garden City: Doubleday Anchor, 1954); Feagin and Sikes, op. cit.; and Joe R. Feagin and Karyn D. McKinney, The Many Costs of Racism (New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003).

(34.) Put simply, grounded theory refers to the process of building theory from the ground up--that is, systematically analyzing and categorizing qualitative data for the purpose of uncovering inherent trends and practices.

(35.) See: Joe R. Feagin, White Men on Race (Boston: Beacon, 2003).

(36.) Harry J. Holzer and Keith R. Ihlanfeldt, "Customer Discrimination and Employment Outcomes for Minority Workers," Institute for Research on Poverty Papers, pp. 1122-97 (1997), from http://edirc.repec.org/data/iruwius.html, as viewed July 1, 2003.

(37.) Ibid.

(38.) In a New York Times article, S. Greenhouse relays the story of Ian Schrager's agreement to pay a $1.08 million settlement after the EEOC accused his Mondrian Hotel in West Hollywood of racial discrimination for firing nine valets and bellhops, eight of them people of color. Schrager had written memos saying that he wanted a trendier group of workers and that the fired employees were "too ethnic." As one of the EEOC supervisory attorneys explained, "The problem with all this image stuff is it just reeks of marketing for this white-bread, Northern European, thin, wealthy, fashion-model look. We all can't be Anglo, athletic and young." See: S. Greenhouse, "Going for the Look, but Risking Discrimination," New York Times, July 13, 2003, p. 1.12.

(39.) Cited in: Myers and Williamson, op. cit.

(40.) The derogatory term moolie is derived from melanzane, Italian for eggplant and referring to eggplants' dark skin.

(41.) Greenberg, Kirkland, and Pyszczynski, op. cit.

(42.) Bonilla-Silva, op. cit.

(43.) See, for example: Noll and Arnold, on pages 23-29 of this Cornell Quarterly.

(44.) See: Lynn, loc. cit.; and Lynn and Thomas-Haysbert, loc. cit.

(45.) Rosenthal and Rubin, op. cit.; Snyder. op. cit.; Chen and Bargh, op. cit.

(46.) Dovidio and Gaertner, op. cit.

(47.) Bonilla-Silva, op. cit.

RELATED ARTICLE: Examples of Racism at Shoney's.

The accompanying article explains that restaurants typically have a public face that is nominally not racist, coupled with a private, often racist face. That was not the case with Shoney's. As detailed in the class action, Haynes v. Shoney's, the company's cofounder was overtly racist, as shown in the following description:

[Ray Danner] ... spent most weekends flying to his restaurants

across the country. His inspections were the stuff of legend-he

was rumored to pitch in if the restaurant was busy,

and he made time to speak to all the staff members. He also,

according to the managers under his rule, made sure to let

them know if there were too many blacks working in a particular

restaurant. "Lighten the place up" was a favored euphemism

for this policy. The chain's upper ranks instructed managers

to cut back on black staff by sharply reducing their work

hours, and promotions of black workers were all but forbidden.

Managers were instructed to blacken the o in

"Shoney's" on the application form if the job seeker was

black. (9)

Another source added, "Danner would say that no one would want to eat at a restaurant where' a bunch of niggers' were working.... [Danner believed that] blacks should not be employed in any position where they would be seen by customers." (10)--D.D. and S.K.R.

Danielle Dirks (ddirks@soc.ufl.edu) and Stephen K. Rice (rice@ufl.edu) are graduate-student researchers at the University of Florida, Department of Sociology. The authors are indebted to Glenn Withiam, Alex Piquero, Joe R. Feagin, and Liv Newman for assistance in finalizing the drafts of this article. This article is based on a more comprehensive book chapter titled "'Dining While Black': Racial Rituals and the Black American Restaurant Experience," forthcoming in Race and Ethnicity--Across Time, Space, and Discipline, edited by Rodney Coates (Brill Publishing).