The relationship between race and students'
identified career role models and perceived role model
influence.
by Karunanayake, Danesh^Nauta, Margaret M.
The authors examined whether college students' race was
related to the modal race of their identified career role models, the
number of identified career role models, and their perceived influence
from such models. Consistent with A. Bandura's (1977, 1986) social
learning theory, students tended to have role models whose race was the
same as their own, and this finding held among career role models who
were not members of students' families. Caucasian and racial
minority students did not differ respecting overall number of, and
perceived influence from, career role models. Career intervention and
research implications are discussed.
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Understanding more about the unique issues and concerns of
racial/ethnic minorities is important (Bowman, 1993; Chung, Baskin,
& Case, 1999). Because they may face stereotyping, discrimination,
and environmental barriers, individuals who are racial/ethnic minorities
may experience unique career development challenges (Herr & Cramer,
1997). For example, a scarcity of same-race role models may be a barrier
to some racial minority individuals' career development (Bright,
Duefield, & Stone, 1998; Chung et al., 1999; Haas & Sullivan,
1991; Hamann & Walker, 1993) because there are disproportionately
fewer racial minority professionals in many career fields and academic
settings (Fouad, 1995). The assumptions behind this theoretical
postulate are that role models of one's own race serve functions
that models of a different racial/ethnic background do not serve and
that people consider race when selecting career role models. However,
although they may be theoretically likely, these assumptions have not
been tested empirically. The purpose of this study was to examine how
frequently college students' career role models are of a similar
race/ethnicity as that of the student and to determine whether there are
differences in the extent of influence from career role models among
college students from different racial/ethnic groups.
Role Model Influences on Academic and Career Decision Making
Social learning theory (e.g., Bandura, 1977, 1986) suggests that
people learn from watching others. Individuals' career decisions
may be facilitated by role models--persons who are deemed worthy of
emulation (Pleiss & Feldhusen, 1995)--because these individuals
provide information about the outcomes associated with pursuing a
particular career field and illustrate how to cope with career
decision-making tasks (e.g., Hackett & Betz, 1981; Lent, Brown,
& Hackett, 1994). Indeed, research has documented a relationship
between role model influences and a variety of outcomes such as career
salience, educational aspirations, and college major choices (Hackett,
Esposito, & O'Halloran, 1989); perceived career information and
career indecision (Nauta & Kokaly, 2001); and attitudes toward
nontraditional careers (A. L. Greene, Sullivan, & Beyard-Tyler,
1982; Hackett et al., 1989; Savenye, 1992).
Role models may be especially important for minority
individuals' career development because a history of discrimination
and limited career options may have decreased their self-efficacy and
outcome expectations, leading some minorities to have lower educational
and career aspirations (B. A. Greene, 1990; Hackett & Byars, 1996).
Social cognitive career theory (Lent et al., 1994) suggests that role
models who have been successful in their careers may serve as a
contextual support that would increase such individuals'
self-efficacy and outcome expectations, thereby increasing aspirations
toward and persistence in various educational and career realms.
Assibey-Mensah (1997) suggested that minorities may also internalize
societal stereotypes that need to be dispelled by powerful role models.
Finally, Hackett and Byars (1996) posited that minority individuals may
especially benefit from role models who illustrate successful coping
strategies for dealing with frustrations encountered as a result of bias
and discrimination. In fact, there is empirical support for the positive
effects of role model influences on racial minority students'
academic performance and achievement-related goals (Zirkel, 2002).
The Similarity Hypothesis and Individuals' Selections of Role
Models
Several theorists (e.g., Bandura, 1977, 1986; Gottfredson, 1981;
Hackett & Byars, 1996) have argued that individuals seek career role
models whom they perceive as similar to them regarding some easily
identifiable characteristics because they assume that such role
models' experiences would apply to their own lives as well. In
other words, a role model will be inspirational only to the degree that
a person is able to identify with that model, and "evidence that
dissimilar persons succeed from time to time does not necessarily
persuade observers that they, too, can attain such outcomes from their
efforts" (Bandura, 1986, p. 302). This thought is known as the
similarity hypothesis. With respect to gender, the similarity hypothesis
has been well supported by empirical data (Basow & Howe, 1979; Erkut
& Mokros, 1984; Gilbert, 1985).
There is also some evidence that individuals identify more with
same-race role models and that same-race models are beneficial. For
example, Killian (1988) found that when given a choice to emulate
various adult models in singing, children tended to prefer same-race
models. Other studies have shown that children identify most with
same-race television characters (King & Multon, 1996) and sports
heroes (Cooper, Livingood, & Kurz, 1981). Ethnically matched models
have also been shown to be more effective than ethnically different
models in increasing self-efficacy for breast self-examinations and in
reducing gender-stereotyped attitudes about nontraditional careers (Haas
& Sullivan, 1991). Finally, in a 2-year longitudinal study, Zirkel
(2002) found that adolescents who had at least one race-and
gender-matched role model demonstrated better academic performance and
had more achievement-related goals than did students without a race- and
gender-matched role model; these effects were not found for
non-gender-matched role models.
Purpose of This Study
Although Haas and Sullivan (1991) and Zirkel (2002) examined the
relative impact of racially matched and unmatched role models on
education and career-related outcomes among adolescents, no studies have
been done to determine whether the race-similarity hypothesis holds
regarding the types of career role models that young adults generally
select. Moreover, we were unable to find empirical efforts to determine
whether Caucasian and racial minority individuals do, in fact, differ in
the number of career role models they choose and in the extent of
influence from these career role models. Because verifying unique
aspects of the experiences of minority individuals would have
implications for career interventions and programs, we sought to explore
potential differences between the experiences of Caucasian and racial
minority college students regarding the influences of role models.
Our first research question was whether the race-similarity
hypothesis would be supported with respect to students' identified
career role models. Our prediction was that there would be a
relationship between students' race and the predominant (modal)
race of their identified career role models. Our second research
question was whether racial minority individuals have fewer career role
models and perceive less role model influence when making career
decisions. On the basis of the similarity hypothesis and findings that
minority individuals are underrepresented in many career fields, we
expected that minority students would report having fewer career role
models and would report less influence from career role models than
would their peers in the racial/ethnic majority.
Method
Participants
Participants were 220 students attending a large midwestern
university (with a typical racial/ethnic minority enrollment of
approximately 15%) who participated in exchange for extra course credit
in one of several psychology classes. There were no restrictions for
participation, but because we needed to ensure an adequate racial
minority student representation for the study, we oversampled this
population by allotting additional sign-up spaces for non-Caucasian
students. Among the final sample were 152 (69%) women and 61 (28%) men;
7 (3%) students did not indicate their gender. One hundred twenty-four
(56%) students self-identified as Caucasian/European American, 69 (31%)
as Black/African American, 19 (9%) as Hispanic/Latino, 1 (1%) as Pacific
Islander, 4 (2%) as "other," and 3 (1%) did not indicate their
race. There were 15 (7%) freshmen, 54 (25%) sophomores, 77 (35%)
juniors, 69 (31%) seniors, and 5 (2%) students who did not indicate
their year in school.
Measures
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