Radio set ownership data reported in the U.S. Censuses of 1930,
1940, and 1950 suggest that several factors affected the rate of radio
adoption during these decades. Although a majority of U.S. households
were radio-equipped by 1931, substantial numbers of poorer Americans,
especially those living in the South, could not afford sets until much
later. A majority of African American families, the poorest of all, did
not own radios until well into the 1940s. It was not until 1950 that 95%
of all American households owned receivers.
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There is little doubt that when radio first arrived in the 1920s,
it caused a great deal of excitement. Sterling and Kittross (2002)
describe it as a time when "the country was afire with radio
fever" (p. 69). Barnouw (1966) writes of the early
"euphoria" of radio set manufacturers who "couldn't
produce fast enough" (p. 91), and Hilliard and Keith (2001)
maintain that "people were buying radio receivers as fast as they
could afford to" (p. 31). Such descriptions are justified since the
number of licensed broadcasting stations jumped from just 5 in 1921 to
over 500 by 1924 (Sterling & Kittross, 2002, p. 827) and by 1927
Americans were spending $198 million annually on radios (U.S. Bureau of
Foreign and Domestic Commerce, 1930, p. 841). (1)
The decade of the 1920s was a prosperous period for many Americans,
especially those who lived in the urban areas of the North and West.
Good economic times meant that many city dwellers had the luxury of
buying the new radio equipment as soon as it appeared on the market. In
addition, early radio stations were usually built near urban centers
where signals could be received by the maximum number of affluent
consumers. By 1928, there were 28 stations broadcasting in the New York
City metropolitan area, 36 in Chicago, and 24 in Los Angeles (U.S.
Federal Radio Commission, 1928, pp.117-123).
Yet America's phenomenal radio boom was primarily experienced
in the cities of the North and West. In the nation's poorer
regions, radio's arrival was much slower. In 1928, Atlanta had only
three radio stations and New Orleans seven. For the 44% of Americans who
still lived outside the cities, service was spotty or non-existent.
Several large rural states had fewer than six radio stations, and these
tended to have smaller transmitters than their urban counterparts. For
example, in 1928, the entire state of South Carolina had only two
stations transmitting with an aggregate power of 90 watts (U.S. Federal
Radio Commission, 1928, pp. 117-123).
While the coming of radio may have been a sensation in some parts
of the country, other Americans were suffering from economic hard
times--even in the years before the Great Depression struck in 1929. In
these areas, many families were in economic crisis, few entrepreneurs
were willing to build stations, and widespread radio adoption was still
years away.
Despite the considerable interest in radio's early industrial
history, little detailed research has been reported on how receivers
were adopted in the United States. Starch conducted surveys on radio
adoption in the 1920s (Spalding, 1963-1964, pp. 36-37) and Cantril &
Allport (1935, pp. 85-86) made early use of Census data to describe the
growing radio audience. Lichty and Topping (1975, pp. 451-455, 521) and
Sterling & Kittross (2002, p. 862) described overall adoption rates
for several years based on data from industry and Census sources. (2)
Jellison (1993, p. 61) used 1930 Census data to examine different rates
of radio ownership among farm families in several midwestern states, and
Craig (2001) discussed the relative slowness of early adoption by rural
families. But none of these sources investigate in depth the differences
in radio adoption patterns nor do they attempt to detail the social
factors that helped determine when families decided to buy their first
radio.
Without a clear understanding of how American families adopted
radio, historians have an incomplete picture of the audience during
these years. The fact that adoption rates varied widely among different
regions and between urban and rural areas means that the demographic
make-up of the radio audience changed as time went on. A fuller
explanation of the sociological dimensions of these changes can shed
light on historical decisions that took place in the industry in such
areas as advertising, programming, and regulation. Further, an
understanding of the factors that affected radio adoption rates may
provide insight into audience acceptance of contemporary and future
media technologies.
This paper attempts to fill the gap in our understanding of
radio's adoption by using the available U.S. Census data on radio
ownership in the years 1930, 1940, and 1950. Rogers' (1995) past
work in the diffusion of innovations provides a framework for the
examination of geographical and ethnic differences in patterns of radio
ownership over the three critical decades it took for radio to be
adopted in 95% of American homes.
Method
United States Census Bureau reports for the decennial Censuses of
1930, 1940, and 1950 were examined for data on the ownership of radio by
U.S. households. (3) In each of these years, census takers determined
whether or not households "contained a usable radio set or one only
temporarily out of repair" (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1943, Vol.
II, Pt. 2, p. 5). In 1930 and 1940, attempts were made to gather these
data for each U.S. household enumerated, but in 1950, a sample of 20% of
occupied households was used. (4) Radios in places of business,
institutions, and hotels were not counted. Findings were compiled by
geographic location and, in some years, by race and parentage of the
head of household.
Geographic Categories
The Census Bureau presented summaries of its results using various
state groupings to yield several different geographic categories. To
allow for comparison among the three decades, the data in this paper are
reported based on the four regions used in the 1950 Census: Northeast
(with about 27% of U.S. households), North Central (with about 32%),
South (with about 29%), and West (with about 12%). (5)
The Censuses also reported radio ownership based on whether the
households were "urban," "rural non-farm," or
"rural-farm." For 1930 and 1940, the Census Bureau defined
"urban" as a city or other incorporated place having 2,500
inhabitants or more. (6) Rural households were defined as those located
outside these urban areas and further divided into "rural
non-farm" households and "rural-farm" households. Since
preliminary analysis indicated that radio ownership patterns in rural
farm and non-farm households were similar, this distinction was
collapsed into the single category of "rural."
Race, Nativity, and Parentage
In all three Censuses, the Bureau gathered information based on the
"race and color" of the head of household. (7) Unfortunately,
the method of tabulation and presentation of these data varied from
Census to Census, and in 1950, radio ownership data were not reported by
race at all. This paper presents the available findings on race and
parentage for 1930 and 1940 separately in the form made available by the
Bureau.
Some results categorized households based on whether the head was
"White," or "Nonwhite," with the latter category
including "Negroes, Indians, Japanese, Chinese, and other Nonwhite
races."(8) A label of "Mexican" was used for
"persons of Mexican birth or ancestry who were not definitely
Indian or of other Nonwhite race." Such "Mexicans" were
classified as "White" in the 1940 and 1950 data, but as
"other races" in the 1930 report (U.S. Bureau of the Census,
1953b, Vol. II, Pt. 1, p. 35).
In the 1930 Census, White heads of households were categorized
based on their nativity and parentage. The category "native
White-native parentage" included U.S.-born Whites both of whose
parents were also U.S.-born. Other categories included "native
White-foreign or mixed parentage," and "foreign-born
White." Nativity and parentage was not determined for those
classified as "Negro" or "other races" (U.S. Bureau
of the Census, 1933, Vol. VI, p. 6.).
Findings
U.S. Census data from 1930, 1940, and 1950 present a picture of
radio ownership in relation to three major variables: Geographic region
(Northeast, North Central, South, or West), whether located in an urban
or rural area, and, for 1930 and 1940, by race of the head of household.
Finding 1: Radio adoption occurred at different rates in different
parts of the country with patterns consistent in all three Censuses.
Finding 1a: Rates of radio adoption were fastest in the Northeast,
followed closely by the North Central and Western regions, and with the
South lagging appreciably behind.
Finding 1b: Rates of radio adoption were faster in urban areas than
in rural areas.
Finding 1c: The pattern of difference among these variables was
consistent across all three Censuses. That is, in all years, adoption
was fastest in the urban Northeast and slowest in the rural South.
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