INTRODUCTION
Casino gambling is a fast-growing industry around the world,
leading many governments to believe that casinos are important potential
sources of public revenue. The American Gaming Association (2004)
reports that 443 commercial casinos in 11 states generated more than $27
billion in gross gaming revenue in 2003. State and local governments
derived $4.32 billion in direct gaming taxes from this economic
activity, or about 16 percent of gross gaming revenue. Although tax
revenue from direct gaming currently amounts to just one-third of one
percent of total own-source revenues collected by state and local
governments in the U.S., gambling represents a growing source of revenue
nationwide. Over the period from 1993 to 2003, consumer spending at
casinos rose from $11.2 billion to $27.02 billion in nominal terms. The
American Gaming Association (2004) reports that Americans spend more on
casino activities than on DVD/VHS rentals and sales, amusement and theme
parks, and movie box office sales.
This fast-growing sector has captured the attention of state and
local governments that see the potential for added revenues from taxes
and fees applied to casinos as they are legalized and that view casinos
as engines for local economic growth. Madhusudhan (1996) was the first
to document this emergent trend in state and local public finance in the
United States. For a good overview of the economics of casino gambling,
see Suits (1979b) and Eadington (1999). Similar increased attention to
casinos has also been paid in the European Union as national governments
there realize the revenue potential that exists as casino operations
expand. For a brief review of world gambling and its expansion, see
Thompson (1998), and for European context on casino gambling and
lotteries, see the European Commission (2003) and European Lotteries
(2004). Smith (2000) provides a good overview of gambling taxation
issues with applications from Australia.
The purpose of this article is to chronicle the forms of taxation
and fees that are being applied to casinos by state and local
governments and to analyze those taxes and fees from a policy
perspective. The second section of this paper contains an overview of
the forms of taxes and fees applied to casinos in the United States. The
third section contains economic analysis of several aspects of casino
taxes. Finally, the fourth section includes a summary of our current
knowledge of casino taxes and presents suggestions for needed research
related to casino revenues.
TAXES AND FEES APPLIED TO CASINOS IN THE UNITED STATES
This section contains an overview of the various forms of taxes and
fees applied to casinos in the United States. Distinctions are drawn
among forms of gambling permitted by the states (land-based and
riverboat casinos, and limited-stakes casinos) and types of taxes and
fees applied.
Types of Casinos and Casino Gambling
Casino gambling has been legal in Nevada since 1931 and in New
Jersey since 1976. In recent years, however, states and casinos have
creatively crafted and applied laws that permit riverboat casinos and
other types of gambling facilities. According to the recent National
Council of State Legislatures (2004) analysis, the phenomenon of casino
taxation is proliferating across the U.S. and "casino gaming has
become one of the fastest growing businesses in the recreation and
entertainment sector." A flurry of casino gambling legalization
over the period between 1989 and 1996 added nine more states to the
list: Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan,
Mississippi, Missouri, and South Dakota. Interest in legalization and
expansion of casino gambling continues to be hot. Last year (2004),
casino gambling ballot and other initiatives were raised in the states
of Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Delaware, Minnesota, Nebraska, Ohio,
Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Washington. According to the American
Gaming Association (2004), in the year 2003 commercial casinos operated
in 11 states, Native American casinos operated in 28 states, and
racetrack casinos operated in six states.
Hoffman, Gerstein, Huang, Brittingham, Larison, and Toce (1999)
conducted a survey of gamblers and casinos as part of the National
Gambling Impact Study Commission's work and found that the average
amount of total revenue for a top-25 non-tribal casino was $395 million
in 1998, while the average amount of total revenue for smaller
non-tribal casinos was $91 million. They also tracked players at casinos
and found that those who played at top-25 non-tribal casinos bet an
average of nearly $8,000 per year, although the distribution of the
amount gambled was highly skewed with nearly 73 percent of the players
gambling $500 or less and just 3.2 percent gambling more than $10,000.
At smaller non-tribal casinos the average amount bet was about $2,800
per year with 68 percent gambling $500 or less and 3.6 percent gambling
more than $10,000.
In considering the taxation of casinos, it is important to
distinguish between commercial casinos and other types of casinos.
Commercial casinos include land-based, riverboat, docked, and racetrack
casinos operated for commercial purposes. State regulations often make
distinctions between land-based, riverboat, and limited-stakes gambling.
In an effort to contain gambling activity within discrete locations and
reduce potential negative externalities, some states began to permit
riverboats to host casino operations in the 1990s (Illinois, Indiana,
Iowa, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Missouri). In some cases, the
riverboats actually had to push away from the port and travel along the
river while the casino was in operation. More recently, however, most
riverboat casinos are only nominally boats and are permanently affixed
to the dock. Some states put a limit on the amount a gambler can place
on any bet on a slot machine or at a blackjack or poker table, providing
so-called limited stakes gambling. For example, Colorado has a five
dollar bet limit, while South Dakota imposes bet limits that vary with
the game and the casino.
Not all casinos have the same revenue potential for state and local
governments, however. An important Supreme Court ruling in 1987
established the principle that states could not regulate or tax gaming
on Native American reservations. As a result, the number of gaming
facilities, including casinos, proliferated on reservations and other
property owned by tribes. For an overview of the Indian Gaming
Regulatory Act, see National Indian Gaming Commission (2004). Evans and
Topoleski (2002) provide an excellent overview of the rise in Native
American gaming operations. At this point, there are 28 states in the
U.S. with Native American casinos. There are over 310 gaming operations
run by more than 200 tribes in the U.S., according to Evans and
Topoleski (2002), of which about 220 are Las-Vegas-style casinos.
While states cannot formally tax tribal casinos, informal revenue
sharing arrangements have become common as part of the negotiation
process between states and tribes that culminates with a compact between
the state and a tribe. Among those states with Native American casinos,
seven have revenue sharing arrangements: Arizona, California,
Connecticut, Michigan, New Mexico, New York, and Wisconsin. These
revenue sharing arrangements provide from eight to 25 percent of slot
machine revenues to state and local governments. One of the most
publicized compacts is that of Connecticut, where in 1992 the
Mashantucket Pequot Tribe, which owns the Foxwoods Casino Resort, agreed
to share 25 percent of its slot machine net income with the State of
Connecticut and the City of Hartford. California compacts with tribes
similarly provide for a state share of gaming revenues--up to 25 percent
in some cases. At the low end, New Mexico tribal casinos have agreed to
pay eight percent of their slot machine net income to the state. The
fiscal aspects of these compacts appear to be completely ad hoc with no
evidence of fundamental public finance principles being applied in their
design by states and tribes, much less consideration being given to the
design of optimal fiscal compacts in any sense. While state lotteries
have benefited from the economic analysis of the optimal design of the
prize structure (e.g., see Quiggin (1991)), there is as yet no economic
analysis of optimal compacts for tribes to share the revenues with state
and local governments. One area in need of additional research,
consequently, is the question of designing appropriate state-tribal
compacts. In this regard, the literature on revenue-sharing can be
brought to bear.
The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGA) of 1988 established the
formal jurisdictional framework that governs Indian gaming in the United
States. That act established regulations for three classes of gaming.
Class I games are social games for prizes of minimal value and
traditional Indian games that are conducted during tribal ceremonies or
celebrations. Tribal governments are vested with the right to
exclusively regulate such games. Class II games include bingo, pull
tabs, punch boards, tip jars, and other games similar to bingo. This
class of games also includes non-banked card games (played against other
players, not against the house or another player acting as a bank).
Tribes have the jurisdictional authority to regulate all such games as
long as the state in which they operate permits such gaming for any
purpose. Class III games include a broad range of games such as slot
machines, black jack, craps, roulette, and other table games. The IGA
specifies conditions and restrictions by which tribes have authority to
conduct Class III gaming activity.
Commercial Casinos and Taxation
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