A multilevel examination of work-life practices: is
more always better?
by Kopelman, Richard E.^Prottas, David J.^Thompson, Cynthia
A.^Jahn, Eileen White
During the past decade, researchers have begun to analyze the
combined effects of multiple human resource practices (or bundles),
sometimes under the rubrics of high-performance work systems or
strategic HRM (e.g., Becker and Gerhart, 1996; Delaney and Huselid,
1996). However, as noted by Perry-Smith and Blum (2000), these studies
have consistently excluded work-life human resource practices, most
likely because employers ignore work-life support as a legitimate
mainstream human resource issue (Kossek, 2005). More recently,
researchers have begun to document the effects of specific work-life
practices (also called work-family, family-responsive, or
family-friendly practices). For example, Baltes et al. (1999) recently
meta-analyzed the results of research on flextime and the compressed
workweek. Other studies have focused on the effects of on-site child
care (e.g., Goff et al., 1990; Kossek and Nichol, 1992), eldercare
referral (Wagner and Hunt, 1994), and telecommuting (e.g., Bailey and
Kurland, 2002; Duxbury et al., 1998; Igbaria and Guimaraes, 1999). Only
in the past few years have researchers begun to analyze the effects of
multiple work-life practices in concert, or in "bundles."
Two streams of research on multiple work-life practices have
emerged: (1) studies examining the comparative effects of specific
practices or types of practices and (2) studies examining the collective
effects of multiple practices, typically using an index of the number of
practices adopted. Both streams of research as well as the current study
can be classified as "policy impact" research (Kossek, 2005)
in which the relationship between policy access or use and attitudes and
behaviors is examined. Because there has been very little research that
focuses on the relationship between the number of different work-life
practices offered by an organization and important outcomes of interest
(e.g., organizational commitment), we examined the following research
question: Is there a threshold level of practices such that additional
practices have minimal incremental benefits? That is, if a bundle of
work-life practices psychologically serves to signal to employees that
their employer cares about them, is there some threshold number of
practices that optimizes employee attitudes and perceptions? Although
our work is theoretically grounded, we are primarily interested in
whether there is an empirical relationship between the number of
work-family practices offered by an organization and employee attitudes
and perceptions that are related to important organizational outcomes.
We focus on availability of programs rather than usage, as there is
evidence that simply offering these practices can have a positive impact
on employee attitudes, regardless of whether employees actually use the
programs of policies (Grover and Crooker, 1995). In addition, because no
prior research has examined these relationships using a multilevel
design, we collected data at both the individual and work-group levels,
and offer a conceptual justification for this added complexity.
In the following section, we review the two streams of research on
multiple work-life practices, and describe the theory underlying our
research. We then describe our methodology, including data collection
from both employees and HR managers. After our results are presented, we
offer suggestions for both future research and practice.
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
A study by Meyer, Mukerjee and Sestero (2001) is representative of
the first stream of research on work-life practices. Using a sample
drawn from Working Mother magazine's "The 100 Best Companies
for Working Mothers," Meyer et al. (2001) examined the association
between profits and each of nine work-life practices. They found that
profits were related to the availability of paid sick days and job
sharing, although, surprisingly, the relationship with job sharing was
negative. When they examined a combination of variables related to
benefit usage and benefit levels available, profitability was positively
related to the amount of adoption assistance and the percentage of
employees working at home, and negatively related to employee usage of
job sharing and on-site childcare. The models explained similar amounts
of variance ([R.sup.2] = .28 and .27, respectively). Perry-Smith and
Blum (2000) examined three clusters of work-life practices offered, and
their effect on perceived organizational performance. The effects of
specific practices were difficult to ascertain, though, because (1) the
clusters combined multiple practices, (2) the clusters were not readily
interpretable (e.g., forms of day care assistance emerged in two of the
three clusters), and (3) results were not presented on a
cluster-by-cluster basis. Grover and Crooker (1995) examined the effects
of four work-life practices (flexible hours/schedules, information about
childcare assistance, assistance with childcare costs, and
maternity/paternity leaves) on attitudinal variables. Although flexible
scheduling was (weakly) associated with higher affective organizational
commitment (Beta = .045; p < .10), none of the other three work-life
practices was related.
In the second stream of research, the effects of multiple practices
have been examined by creating an index of the number of work-life
practices adopted or used. Lambert (2000) examined relationships among
the number of benefits used by individuals in one organization and (1)
organizational citizenship behaviors and (2) perceptions of
organizational support. Lambert's list of 20 benefits, though, was
not exclusively limited to family-responsive initiatives. Nonetheless,
perceived benefit usefulness was related directly to both dependent
variables. Allen (2001) assessed the effects of ten specific variants of
two major categories of work-life practices (four forms of flexible work
arrangements and six forms of dependent care) on perceived
organizational family supportiveness and supervisory support. Both the
number of benefits used and the number offered were modestly related to
perceived organizational family support and perceived supervisory
support (correlations ranged from .16 to .19). Similarly, Anderson,
Coffey and Byerly (2002) used two indices to study the availability of
five dependent care practices and five schedule flexibility practices,
and their effects on multiple outcome measures, including work-family
conflict. The one significant path coefficient, between schedule
flexibility and work-interferes-with-family conflict, was only--.07.
Along the same lines, Batt and Valcour (2003) created indices related to
employee access to four types of dependent care practices and five types
of work schedule flexibility practices. Neither index was related to
work-interferes-with-family conflict.
Konrad and Mangel (2000) examined the effects of the total number
of work-life initiatives offered (up to 19) on productivity, and found a
correlation of. 11. Haar and Spell (2004) examined a composite index of
the past, present, and intended use of six work-life practices. The
number of work-life practices presently used was unrelated to
work-interferes-with-family conflict (WIF) and modestly related to
family-interferes-with-work conflict (FIW). Greenberger, Goldberg,
Hamill, O'Neil, and Payne (1989) created an index comprised of the
number of formal work-life programs used (the maximum being 20) and
related scores to attitudinal variables, including their own measure of
organizational commitment. The total number of benefits used index was
weakly related in job satisfaction among single women and organizational
commitment among married women.
Summarizing research to date, a number of conclusions appear
warranted. First, effect sizes have tended to be small using the
operational definitions provided by (Cohen, 1992)--i.e., correlations
of. 10 to .30; path coefficients of .02 to .15. Second, various
approaches to studying practices have been employed, including examining
practices individually, in sets classified by types of practices (e.g.,
clusters), of by a total index number. Third, very few studies have
examined relationships between the number of work-life practices and
three important outcomes in the organizational behavior literature:
perceived supportiveness (one study), affective organizational
commitment (one study), and work-family conflict (three studies). (These
three outcome variables are examined in the present research.) Fourth,
prior studies have examined the overall directionality of relationships,
but none has examined outcomes in relation to increasing numbers of
work-life practices offered, and whether there exists a threshold beyond
which adding more practices has diminishing returns.
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