Filing a psychological harassment complaint in the
workplace: a difficult history/Porter plainte pour harcelement
psychologique au travail: un recit difficile/Presentar queja por
hostigamiento sicologico en el trabajo: un relato
dificil.
by Brun, Jean-Pierre^Kedl, Evelyn
Summary
Following in the wake of several European countries, Quebec adopted
a bill in December 2002 to modify the Labour Code and other legislative
measures by the introduction of measures pertaining to psychological
harassment (art. 81.18 to 81.20). These standards, which are accompanied
by specific means of legal recourse (art. 123.6 to 123.16) and fall
under the responsibility of the Commission des normes du travail (CNT),
came into effect on June 1, 2004 (Lippel, 2005). This article presents
an overview of the written complaints filed with the Commission des
normes du travail (CNT) between June 1, 2004 and April 30, 2005.
At the present time, most of the studies on psychological
harassment, moral harassment or other forms of violence in the workplace
use a survey with worker populations (Brun and Plante, 2004; Byrne,
1997; Hirigoyen, 1998, 2001; Hoel, Rayner and Cooper, 2003; Leymann,
1996a, 1996b; Salin, 2003; Vandekerkhove and Commers, 2003; Wornham,
2003). Although these surveys are very useful, they have the limitation
of being centred on identifying the types of events, the forms, or the
sources of psychological harassment in the workplace. Scientific studies
are rare (Garcia, Hacourt and Bara, 2005; Lapeyriere, 2004; Lewis and
Orford, 2005); this type of study focuses on the inside story of cases
of psychological harassment, the difficulties of putting into the
experience into words, the doubts that the outward expression of facts
may raise, and the ambiguities hidden by complex situations.
For this reason, our research study adopted the point of view and
the arguments put forward by the main players, that is to say, the men
and women filing the complaints, as well as the situations that are
being denounced. Out objective was to give an overview of the complaints
filed with the Commission des normes du travail over a period of one
year. In so doing, we hope to better understand the complexity of the
phenomenon of psychological harassment through the situations as
experienced and expressed by the complainants.
In total, 236 complaints of psychological harassment at work and
more than 1,500 pages written by the complainants made up the corpus for
analysis. The research method used includes a first section on
socioprofessional and economic factors (e.g., sex, age, profession,
employment status, etc.), a second section on the business itself (e.g.,
sector, number of employees, etc.) and a third section focused on the
complaint itself (e.g., causes, frequency, form, witnesses,
consequences, etc.).
The main study results show that among the set of cases analysed,
63% of complainants are women. Two-thirds of the complaints (68%)
mention one individual as being involved, while 32% of cases identify
several people as being the source of the psychological harassment. More
than 95% of the complainants claimed to have been the target of
harassment that was repetitive in nature. The five most common causes
for complaint are vexatious words and gestures (132 complaints),
infringement on working conditions (77 complaints), threat of firing (49
complaints), causing failure for the person (39 complaints), and
isolation (39 complaints). Psychological harassment is socially
distributed, that is to say, that it touches, as either author or
victim, many employment categories, whether one be a secretary,
technician, or senior management. As well, managers usually are
identified as people being involved. In the majority of cases analyzed,
attempts to find a resolution (e.g., discussion with the person
involved, information given to the supervisor, complaint letter, etc.)
are solely made by the complainant; colleagues are almost always
uninvolved, and only in rare cases has another colleague intervened to
make a situation stop or to speak out against a situation of which those
in the complainant's immediate environment are aware.
The phenomenon of psychological harassment is far from being
simple; the remarks and the stories that we have related clearly show
that these are complex situations for many reasons. One of these reasons
is that psychological harassment is a direct manifestation of the
private nature of violence (Cooney, 2003) that concerns individuals
rather than groups, and is addressed at individuals and in the context
of face to face relations, that is to say, without the presence of any
direct witnesses.
Psychological harassment is also socially distributed, meaning that
it involves, in terms of victims or perpetrators, people from all types
of employment: secretary, technician, or upper management. However, the
direction of psychological harassment is not randomly distributed.
Generally, managers are identified as instigators, and women state they
are harassed by men.
In analysing the 236 cases, we were astonished by the large number
of cases of psychological harassment involving situations of rudeness,
vexatious or blasphemous remarks (132/236 complaints). An insult,
"the sentence that kills!" and public denigration are common
among the complaints of psychological harassment filed at the Commission
des normes du travail. The situation seems to be similar in the United
States, where, according to research by Pearson and Porath (2005), 20%
of workers surveyed said they are the target of rude remarks at least
once a week. The respect of others is a value which is losing ground,
and individualism often justifies any remark when a person wishes to
reach his or her ends.
The individualization of conflicts is also revealed in the attempts
at case resolution. In fact, in most of the cases studied, attempts at
resolution (e.g., discussion with the person involved, information for
the supervisor, letter of complaint, etc.) come directly from the
complainant. Colleagues are almost always uninvolved; rare are the cases
where another colleague has intervened in order to put a stop to or to
speak out against a situation which is known in the immediate
environment of the complainant. It is also important to mention that, in
general, a person does not know how to intervene or stop a conflict
(Lapeyriere, 2004). Other staff members usually plead being unsure or
the overly complex nature of the situation.
One of the challenges linked to psychological harassment in the
workplace for employers and employees is to not become caught up within
a legal debate, wondering if the situation does or does not fit with the
definition provided by the law. From a point of view of good management
within the organization and so as to avoid the courts becoming involved
in cases, the problems brought forward by the complainants must first
and foremost be analyzed in the light of individual and collective
ethics (Wornham, 2003) and in the light of problems associated with work
relations (Legoff, 2003). Whether or not it may be a case of harassment,
the situations we have analyzed are, in many cases, quite simply
inadmissible in modern organizations and may, as well, lead to
psychological or physical health problems (Vartia, 2004). Seen from an
ethical and a public health perspective, the employer and the employees
have the duty of making sure that such situations not occur (Leclerc,
2005). For these reasons, it is important to establish boundaries which
may not be crossed, to define as clearly as possible what is acceptable
and what is not, to make it understood that respect of another
person's dignity is not a privilege, but rather a right and a
fundamental duty and that it is crucial not to wait until the situation
is deemed unacceptable before an intervention is made.
Cet article brosse un portrait des plaintes ecrites deposees a la
Commission des normes du travail du Quebec entre le 1er juin 2004 et le
30 avril 2005. Au total, 236 plaintes de harcelement psychologique au
travail ont constitue le corpus d'analyse. Les principaux resultats
montrent que parmi l'ensemble des cas analyses, 63 % des plaignants
sont des femmes. Pres de 95 % des plaignants ont avance avoir subi du
harcelement a caractere repetitif. Les cinq premiers motifs de plainte
sont les propos et les gestes vexatoires, les atteintes aux conditions
de travail, la menace de congediement, la mise en echec de la personne
et l'isolement. Par ailleurs, ce sont generalement les
gestionnaires qui sont designes comme personnes mises en cause. A la
lumiere de ces resultats, il est important que les organisations se
dotent de systemes de veille pour detecter les cas et d'outils de
gestion pour desamorcer les situations qui comportent un potentiel de
harcelement psychologique.
Este articulo esboza una descripcion de las quejas escritas
presentadas a la Comision de las Normas de trabajo del Quebec entre el
1ro de junio 2004 y el 30 de abril 2005. En total, 236 quejas de
hostigamiento/acoso sicologico en el trabajo constituyeron el corpus del
analisis. Los principales resultados muestran que del conjunto de casos
analizados, 63% de los demandantes son mujeres. Cerca del 95% de
demandantes sostuvieron haber sufrido hostigamiento sicologico de manera
repetitiva. Los cinco primeros motivos de queja son las declaraciones y
gestos ofensivos, el perjuicio de las condiciones de trabajo, la amenaza
de despido, inducir la persona al fracaso y el aislamiento. Mas aun, son
generalmente los directivos que son designados como personas acusadas. A
la luz de estos resultados, es importante que las organizaciones se
doten de sistemas de vigilancia para detectar los casos y que se
procuren utiles de gestion capaces de frenar las situaciones que
comportan un potencial de hostigamiento sicologico.
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