Affective commitment and intent to quit: the impact of
work and non-work related issues.
by Mohamed, Fatma^Taylor, G. Stephen^Ahmad, Hassan
Organizational commitment is recognized as a key factor in the
employment relationship. Similarly, it also is widely accepted that one
way to reduce voluntary turnover is by strengthening employee commitment
to the firm. Given the deleterious effects unmanaged turnover can have
on organizations, it has been suggested that future studies focus on
delineating the motivational and psychological effects that influence
the development of affective commitment, as well as the complex
relationships among focal variables (Mathieu and Zajac, 1990; Meyer et
al., 1993).
Consistent with this call, the present study of intent to quit will
move "up-stream" by focusing on the impact of several
constructs believed to influence affective organizational commitment.
Thus, within the context of intent to quit, this study looks at: (1) the
relationship between perceived organizational values and affective
commitment, and the moderating impact of (2) career commitment on the
training-affective commitment relationship, as well as the moderating
effect of (3) work-family balance and childcare availability on the
gender-affective commitment relationship. By addressing these three
issues, this study expands our knowledge of commitment in at least two
ways. First, the subjects who participated in this study hold what can
be described as "atypical" jobs in that they are prison
Correctional Officers. This presents an opportunity to explore the
boundary conditions of several accepted relationships. Second, this
investigation looks at the impact of non-work related issues on employee
attitudes toward their organization.
We divide the article into four parts. First, we outline the
theoretical justification for the research hypotheses, which are
presented here. Next, we discuss the research and sample design,
construct measurement, and statistical methods employed. Then, we report
the results of this study and last, we discuss implications of our
findings and the limitations of the study, and offer suggestions for
future research.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Overview
Figure I summarizes the hypothesized relationships in this study.
Each of these relationships and the concomitant variables is discussed
in this section.
[FIGURE I OMITTED]
Organizational Commitment
Organizational commitment is a multi-dimensional construct that
denotes the relative strength of an individual's identification
with, involvement in, and loyalty to a particular organization (Allen
and Meyer, 1990; Meyer et al., 1993). Affective commitment, one of three
component dimensions, refers to an emotional attachment to the
organization based on feelings of loyalty toward the employer.
Continuance commitment is based on the perceived costs of leaving the
organization, while normative commitment reflects a sense of obligation
on the part of the employee to maintain membership in the organization.
Most empirical studies of organizational commitment have focused on
affective commitment. This is because affective commitment is the
strongest and most consistent predictor of organizationally desired
outcomes such as employee retention (Allen et al., 2003; Meyer and
Smith, 2000; Rhoades et al., 2001). One reason for the connection
between affective commitment and turnover is that supportive human
resource management practices signal the company's concern for the
workforce. These signals elicit attitudinal and, presumably, behavioral
responses such as increased commitment, continued service to the
organization, and a lower intent to quit which results in lowered actual
turnover (Mathieu and Zajac, 1990; Meyer et al., 1993). Thus, based on
previous research it is expected that:
H1: Employees who report greater levels of affective commitment
will express weaker desires to leave the organization.
Caring and Supportive Environment
Social exchange theory provides the conceptual framework for
empirical evidence that shows employees have greater affective
commitment to organizations that support and care about them
(Eisenberger et al., 1990; Allen et al., 2003). As Rhoades and
Eisenberger (2002) note, being treated with dignity and respect helps
employees see the organization as caring about their well-being and
valuing their contributions. The fundamental idea here is that care,
approval from, and respect by the organization fills the socioemotional
needs of employees, thereby causing them to incorporate organizational
membership into their social identify (i.e., to enhance affective
commitment).
Despite the unique nature of the subjects involved in this study,
the connection between a caring environment and affective commitment is
well enough established to support the following hypothesis:
H2: Employees who see the organization as caring and supportive
will experience greater levels of affective commitment.
Gender
Previous studies of the relationship between gender and
organizational commitment have yielded contradictory and inconclusive
results. For example, a meta-analysis performed by Aven, Parker, and
McEvoy (1993) as well as field studies by Aryee and colleagues (1998),
Chung (2002), and van der Velde and associates (2003) found no
relationship between gender and commitment. But Mowday and colleagues
(1982) and Mathieu and Zajac (1990) suggest that women have higher
levels of affective commitment to the organization than do men.
Conversely, Aranya, Kushnir, and Valency (1986) and Marsden, Kalleberg,
and Cook (1993) report that men experience greater commitment than do
women. Even where a gender-commitment relationship is found (e.g.,
Gaertner and Nollen, 1989; Marsden et al., 1993), there are
disagreements about the possible causes of gender differences.
It is certainly possible these conflicting findings reflect the
differing domestic demands placed on men and women (cf. Gutek and Cohen,
1987; Loscocco, 1990). As noted by Scandura and Lankau (1997),
Parasuraman and Greenhaus (2002), and reinforced by Bond, Thompson,
Galinsky, and Prottas (2003), women who work outside of the home have
retained primary responsibility for home and family duties. Moreover,
Scandura and Lankau (1997) found statistically significant interaction
effects for gender and a family-responsive policy with respect to
organizational commitment. Hence, this study looks at work-family
support and the availability of childcare as relevant moderators that
might explain these mixed results.
Work-Family Support
The significant changes in the demographic make-up of the U.S.
workforce has led increasing numbers of employers to assist employees in
finding a balance between the often competing demands of work and family
(Anderson et al., 2002; Baughman et al., 2003; Boles et al., 2001). This
assistance is due largely to the recognition that work-family conflict
is associated with such dysfunctional outcomes as job dissatisfaction
(Kossek and Ozeki, 1998), intent to quit (Netemeyer et al., 1996),
increased absenteeism (Burton et al., 2002), increased levels of stress
(Frone, 2000), and poor performance (Kossek et al., 2001).
Initial investigations into work-family conflict focused on the
type and extent of policies and programs offered by employers. However,
there is a direct relationship between the policy/program effectiveness
and the degree to which the organizational culture is supportive (Kossek
et al., 1999; Anderson et al., 2002). In fact, Friedman and Johnson
(1997) maintain that no family-friendly policy or program can be truly
effective without the existence of a supportive corporate culture.
Thompson and colleagues (1999) maintain that managerial support
influences employee decisions both to use family-friendly benefits and
to stay with the employer. Moreover, Thompson, Jahn, Kopelman, and
Prottas (2004) report that it is the intangible aspects of an
organization's culture, including support from the supervisor and
the organization's ability to communicate respect for
employees' non-work lives, that affect the level of
work-interferes-with-family conflict.
While there is agreement about the impact of this conflict on
employee behavior and the need for the appropriate cultural context,
there is less consensus about the saliency of work-family conflict for
males and females. Several researchers (e.g., Yang et al., 2000;
Anderson et al., 2002; Kossek et al., 2001) maintain there is little
difference in the impact of work-family conflict on men and women.
Others suggest that traditional gender roles exist and thrive. For
example, Lublin and Brewer (2003) found that in rural areas, where
traditional gender roles are more common, women are less likely to be
elected to public office than those from urban areas. They also show
that in the majority of instances where women are elected, these are to
lower-level positions compatible with the traditional "female"
role. Arthur (2003) has found a direct relationship between the
proportion of female employees and increase in stock price immediately
after a company's announcement of family-friendly initiatives. This
suggests that investors view such policies as "female
friendly" because women often assume greater responsibility for
dependent care than do men (Arthur, 2003).
Clearly there is uncertainty as to the impact of work-family
conflict and family-friendly programs. However, the two studies that
suggested these issues are more salient to women looked at
behaviors--voting patterns and stock investigators. The others used
attitudinal data. Therefore, in this study we hypothesize that the value
of work-family support will vary based on respondent gender:
H3: Work-family balance will moderate the relationship between
gender and organizational commitment.
Availability of Childcare
COPYRIGHT 2006 Pittsburg State University -
Department of Economics Reproduced with permission of the copyright holder. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission.
Copyright 2006 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights
reserved. Gale Group is a Thomson Corporation Company.
NOTE: All illustrations and photos have been removed from this article.