1. Introduction
Does the degree of information that a central bank releases to the
public have any effect on the functioning and efficiency of financial
markets? Is there a significant difference between the Federal Reserve
announcing policy decisions at the time of Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC) meetings and the Federal Reserve forcing the public to ascertain
policy decisions through subsequent movements of the federal funds rate?
Some authors, including Blinder et al. (2001), Poole, Rasche, and
Thornton (2002), and Chortareas, Stasavage, and Sterne (2002), argue
that transparency both helps establish monetary policy credibility in
the public's eyes and transfers clearer information to financial
markets. Many prominent central banks, including the Bank of Canada,
Bank of Japan, and Bank of England, moved towards greater transparency
in the 1990s, with the U.S. Federal Reserve System following suit in
1994. However, the European Central Bank (ECB) has resisted implementing
openness to the same degree, citing the need for speaking with a single,
clear policy voice in contrast to a mix of arguments and opinions from
the members of its monetary policy authority. (1)
In fact, is it possible that central banks have perhaps become too
open in their discussions with the public, and that a partial return to
the days of the Fed temple (2) is warranted? Consider the U.S.
experience in 2003. Following a protracted U.S. economic slowdown and a
nominal federal funds rate dropping to 1.25%, on November 21, 2002,
Federal Reserve officials first suggested using long-term Treasury bond
buybacks as a way to help lower long-term market interest rates.
However, on July 15, 2003, in his semiannual report to the U.S.
Congress, Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan recanted the
hypothesized proposal, announcing that the action was highly unlikely.
Bond markets responded emphatically, with the 10-year Treasury bond
yield rising 20 basis points that day to 3.94%. Thus, public statements
by the central bank moved U.S. financial markets, not because of
changing economic conditions, but because of the revision of a publicly
declared proposal, which in turn adjusted agents' future
expectations. The corresponding volatility in bond markets would have
been avoided under a system of reduced openness. Are the occasional
public missteps by central bankers, then, worth the increase in public
information gained through transparency? Fed officials are so concerned
about this issue that in September 2003, the FOMC for the first time
held a special meeting to discuss how to communicate effectively with
the public.
When the U.S. Federal Reserve System made a move towards greater
transparency in the conduct of monetary policy in February 1994, it
began announcing its targets for the federal funds rate on the afternoon
of FOMC meetings. Previously, the Fed did not announce its policy
decisions until six weeks after the meeting. This left the public to
guess at the Fed's actions, either by studying economic indicators
or by watching the federal funds rate in the days and weeks following
FOMC meetings, which led some economists and the media to label U.S.
monetary policy as being conducted under "a veil of secrecy."
Gaining accurate predictions of Fed policy was so important that an
entire industry of "Fed watchers" developed. After 1994, then,
was there a noticeable change in the dynamics of U.S. financial markets?
Did the degree of uncertainty in interest rate movements drop after 1994
in response to the additional information released by the Federal
Reserve System? Starting with the Reserve Bank of New Zealand, other
central banks underwent similar institutional reforms throughout the
1990s (Table 1). How did their financial markets react, if at all, to
the reduction in informational asymmetries between central banks and the
public in these countries? Finally, let us consider countries in which
the central banks resisted the trend towards greater openness. Did
financial markets react in a similar manner to those in other countries,
implying that other forces were at work in changing the nature of
financial markets worldwide, or are there inherent differences between
financial markets in countries that made the move to greater central
bank openness compared to those that kept the same levels of
transparency?
Focusing on a set of seven industrialized countries, we study
whether selected central banks' move toward more open disclosure
during the 1990s improved or worsened the predictability of the
corresponding national financial markets. Using both threshold ARCH and
vector autoregression frameworks, we find that for all countries except
Germany, the forecasting error has decreased for interest rates on the
respective government bonds across most maturity lengths, and that the
expectations hypothesis has performed better at the short end of the
yield curve. For central banks that made the move to greater disclosure,
this effect was slightly stronger than those banks that resisted
increasing the public's information set. Furthermore, both
conditional and unconditional volatility dropped for both groups of
central banks. These results are consistent with Tabellini's (1987)
view that increased central bank openness removes an extra source of
uncertainty, helping the smooth functioning of financial markets.
This study adds to the existing literature in the following ways.
First, in contrast to many previous empirical studies involving
transparency, such as Chortareas, Stasavage, and Sterne (2002) and
Cecchetti and Krause (2002), we examine how the move to greater
transparency has influenced financial market factors rather than
macroeconomic factors. More specifically, we focus on how increased
central bank openness may impact the expectations hypothesis, and thus
the term structure of interest rates. Understanding the term structure
is of prime importance to central banks, since they can most directly
influence short-term rates, yet aggregate demand depends chiefly on
long-term interest rates. The effectiveness of the monetary transmission
mechanism, then, may be linked to the degree of transparency chosen by a
central bank. Second, virtually all other studies, including Thornton
(1996), Muller and Zellmer (1999), Rafferty and Tomljanovich (2002), and
Coppel and Connolly (2003) analyze a single central bank. Instead, we
directly compare central bank policies and financial effects in seven
developed countries as a means of controlling for changing national and
global conditions across the time span. This cross-country methodology
also allows for a comparison between central banks that have moved
towards greater disclosure and those central banks that have remained
opaque. Third, we attempt to disentangle the effects of changing
transparency from other central bank procedural changes, such as
independence from the national government or implementing an inflation
targeting regime.
The paper proceeds as follows. Section 2 lays out the definition of
central bank transparency and the economic and political issues
surrounding transparency, and summarizes the literature. Section 3
describes the data and models used. Section 4 outlines the main results.
Finally, section 5 offers policy recommendations and concludes.
2. Background and Related Literature
Defining Transparency
Complete transparency simply means that the central bank and the
public have access to the same information, incomplete or uncertain
though it may be, when making economic decisions. (3) Since the central
bank generally has access to information first, transparency then
suggests that the central bank "accurately" passes information
on to other agents. (4) "Accurately" is difficult to define in
practical terms. Though many economists believe in the "more is
better" creed, a distinction needs to be made here between accuracy
and clarity due to the sheer amount of quantitative and qualitative
information a central bank collects in the process of policy
implementation. One possibility open to a central bank in a move toward
greater transparency is to flood the public with all such internally
gathered information (such as, for example, on the central bank's
website). The obvious drawback to this approach is that the time and
expertise needed by members of the public to sift through the
information renders timely decision-making nearly impossible. Therefore,
greater transparency by this benchmark may in fact hinder economic
decisions and thus reduce social welfare.
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