However, even in the empirical results reported here there is a
significant negative effect of household size on per capita food demand
in most of the samples. This negative effect conflicts with the
theoretical predictions of the Barren (1964) two-good model of scale
economies. Thus it is likely that measurement error is only one part of
the explanation for the puzzle about the effect of household size on
food demand. Moreover, the theoretical results indicate that the puzzle
raised by Deaton and Paxson cannot be accounted for by uncorrelated
measurement error, so to the extent that measurement error does
contribute a partial explanation, it can only be in its correlated
variety.
The authors are grateful to Andrew Horowitz, Scott Rozelle, the
editor and three anonymous referees for helpful discussions and to Trinh
Le and Susan Olivia for outstanding research assistance. Any remaining
errors are the authors'. The financial support from the AARES-AAEA
Young Professionals Exchange Travel Award-Heading North is gratefully
acknowledged.
[Received May 2004; accepted July 2006.]
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(1) In 1995, 30% of articles in three leading development journals
used household survey data, up from only 6% in 1975 (Grosh and Glewwe
1996).
(2) In Taiwan, a subsample of households in the Survey of Personal
Income Distribution have their expenditures measured with both the diary
and the recall methods. The results from these two methods are then
compared to check and correct the results for all of the other sampled
households, who are just given the recall method. In the U.S. Consumer
Expenditure Survey (CEX), the interview sample comprises a panel of
households making four, consecutive, three-monthly recalls of recurring
expenses, including food and other groceries with over 600 detailed
spending, income, and wealth items in the questionnaire. Another sample
use diaries to record purchases for two weeks. The published results
integrate the data from the two samples.
(3) This alternating design avoids a flaw in earlier studies that
carried out similar comparisons (Kemsley and Nicholson 1960: McWhinney
and Champion 1974). These flawed studies asked respondents to recall
expenditures from the previous week and then gave the diaries to be
completed in the week following. The data from the unbounded recall
interview may thus be biased upwards by telescoping errors--the
incorrect placement of earlier expenditures in the recall period by the
respondent (Sudman and Bradburn 1973).
(4) In the Indonesian survey used below, there is only a 5% chance
that a three-person household is composite, but a 23% chance of a
ten-person household being composite.
(5) In the diary sample in Gibson (2002), increasing household size
from two people to ten people causes the number of food purchases to
triple (from 50 to 140 per fortnight) but nonfood purchases only doubled
(from 25 to 50).
(6) If the diary is filled out by the enumerator on behalf of
either a noncompliant or illiterate respondent this advantage is likely
to be lost. There is limited research on the issue of who actually fills
out expenditure diaries.
(7) Despite the lack of theoretical support for this method, as
first pointed out by Nicholson (1976) and repeated by Deaton (1997), a
number of economists continue to use the Engel method in studies of
scale economies and the adult-equivalence of children in developing
countries. Examples include Lanjouw and Ravallion (1995), Lancaster,
Ray. and Valenzuela (1999), and White and Masset (2002).
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