Conflict, Terrorism and the Media in Asia.(Book review)

I. INTRODUCTION

Conflict, Terrorism and the Media in Asia (1) is the fourth and latest release in a series of publications by a group of diverse scholars focused on studying the impact of media and changes in societal culture in Asia. (2) Previous books in the series have dealt with analyzing the television industry, (3) journalism and democracy, (4) and film and copyright (5) issues across Asia. This fourth book provides a study of the subnational conflicts across Asia and how they fit into the global "War on Terror." The authors do this by examining the condition of free press, access to media, and diversity in news reporting. They explore how media can be a tool in facilitating ideological coalition, but also how access to and power over the media are used in an attempt to shelter populations and maintain political stability.

The book begins with an introductory commentary on journalism in the United States. The remaining chapters deal with the role of media in the current political struggles, conflict, and terrorist activities in five Asian regions: Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines, India, and China. Each chapter is written by an author familiar with that region's media outlets and political environment, pre- and post-September 11, 2001.

The book provides significant background, factual information, and analysis of each region's conflicts. However, the chapter materials also draw heavily on the personal opinions, experiences, education, and studies of each author. The chapters are revealing but brief, and only provide a glimpse into the complex issues these regions and this part of the world face. Terrorism is by no means a new concept, yet its definition remains vague and inexact as regions of the world encounter different types of terrorism and deal with it in their own way. This book attempts to illustrate that this is true even when the terrorist activities are based in similar or shared ideology.

It is important to note that while it would be a monumental task to incorporate all facts and history of the complex conflicts facing this region, some chapters provide a more objective perspective than others. By design, this book is meant to question the tactics and politics of the regions, but at times the reader is left wondering whether counterpoints were missed or otherwise avoided. Certainly an interesting and valuable reference, this book is better considered summary commentary rather than a thorough impartial analysis. The remainder of this Review will provide a brief summary of the conflicts, types of terrorism, and media involvement this book reveals.

II. UNITED STATES (6)

Probably the least objective of all the chapters, this chapter analyzes the methods and influence of the United States media. Specifically, the author deals with the journalistic style of network and cable television news reporting of the "War on Terrorism," pointing out its failures and the effect on both American and foreign perceptions of U.S. government policy. He stresses the importance of the American media's responsibility to operate as a democratic "checking" function on the government, but he argues media consolidation, the influence of Republican-backed think tanks in Washington, and the financial support of high-profile Republicans forced nationalistic reporting that gave media consumers an unrealistic sense of both the cultural and military situation in the events following September 11, 2001. (7) By now this is not a wholly unique argument. However, the author points to several incidents following the invasion of Afghanistan as evidence of his claims, including: MSNBC's firing of Phil Donahue, (8) Condoleezza Rice's request for news organizations to cease airing tapes of Osama bin Laden containing coded messages, (9) the Pentagon s purchase of the rights to satellite photos of Afghanistan, (10) Rupert Murdoch s pledge of patriotism, (11) embedded reporters self-censorship of images from Iraq, (12) and the holding of Guantanamo prisoners without access to legal counsel. (13) The author claims that "truth" in news reporting can only be found in public radio and television broadcasting. (14)

Additionally, the author blames the media itself for mediocre reporting of foreign events. He points to the closing of international branch offices of American news organizations over the last several years, indicating this led to a decline in international news reporting. More importantly, he argues, this has created a focus on sensationalistic reporting and a lesser acknowledgment, understanding, and appreciation of world cultures and political events. (15) The author points out that, as a result, releases from the State Department, White House, and Pentagon ("Golden Triangle") are sometimes the only authorities considered. (16) Moreover, he argues that a lack of understanding leaves a reporter in foreign territory relying solely on what has been made available by the country. An insightful quoted passage from an Egyptian reporter displays the frustration foreigners have with American media when reporters visit a country. The Egyptian reporter describes what he terms "the American Express Tour," whereby all American reporters visit and interview the same people at the same places in a short period of time before returning as "experts on the Middle East." (17) The author also includes another passage taken from a Pakistani article, which pokes fun at American CNN correspondents but reveals that American news organizations appear to lack legitimacy in foreign countries because of a clear knowledge gap. (18)

While the author of this chapter makes valid points about the limitations of U.S. journalism and provides interesting supporting facts and data, in the end his efforts are somewhat undermined by the expressive belittling language and lack of impartial analysis. This highly critical and cynical chapter leaves the reader asking whether American journalism has any redeeming qualities. However, there is certainly no arguing the author's clear leftist-leaning personal views on current events.

III. MALAYSIA (19)

The author of this chapter describes Malaysia as a technologically advanced country with an advanced media network and a strict, powerful government. (20) He points out that although Malaysia does not currently encounter terrorism on a large scale, its geographical location makes the country a key to militant operations in the Southeast Asian region, necessitating the country's political involvement in regional conflict. (21) The author considers the primary terrorist coalition in Malaysia to be the Kumpulan Militan Malaysia ("KMM"). This group maintains connections with al Qaeda and shares membership and the ideology of creating a regional pan-Islamic state with the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah ("JI"). (22) These two organizations remain on the U.S. list of foreign terrorist organizations, although the Malaysian government categorizes the KMM as an "extremist" group. (23)

The author explains how the existence of these groups and the potential volatility of being geographically located among several other countries with rooted militant activity cause the Malaysian government to assert strong influence over the operation of the media networks. He notes that the government often takes advantage of their high esteem and access to the media to perpetuate state views and control reports critical of the government's four main policies. (24) These policies emphasize challenging the objectives of militants, (25) government protection of Muslim rights against militant groups and groups that fund them, (26) opposing violence as the means to solving Islamic problems, (27) and maintaining unity within the Muslim world and Malaysia. (28) The administration uses the media to report government success in preserving national security and to disseminate its counterterrorism policies. (29) As a gatekeeper of news reporting, the government requires media outlets to obtain permits and regularly censors programming material. (30)

The Malaysian population is familiar with the KMM, although the group does not actively publicize or attempt to access Malaysian media. (31) Therefore, the author points out that reports of domestic KMM activities, ideologies, and violence are infrequent, although the government does allow reporting of member arrests and detentions. KMM and other militant activities are considered a regional and national issue and not associated with the global "War on Terror." (32) Alternatively, Malaysian media diligently reports on the activities of terrorist organizations and groups supporting a link between US foreign policy and oppression of Muslims. (33) As such, the media frequently reports on JI and al Qaeda activities, including released messages from Osama bin Laden. (34) They also report on activities of the nonviolent and less extreme Islamist political party, PAS, which also supports an "Islamic" state and the link between the U.S. and Muslim violence. (35)

As a result of the strong hand of government, the author explains that Malaysians are not left with access to objective reporting or thoughtful analysis of world politics. Regional illegal print publications do exist, but circulation is obviously limited and these publications are dangerous to maintain. (36) Likewise, the Internet has provided an alternative news source for Malaysians, but the government requires service providers to hold a license and has recently taken a more active role in censoring Islamic extremist Web sites. (37)

IV. INDONESIA (38)

The author of this chapter focuses on the struggle that Indonesia faces as it attempts to modernize a country that is geographically divided and culturally and religiously diverse.(39) He states that Indonesia is the largest Muslim nation and explains that due to its mix of faiths and varying levels of sophistication, the status of individual rights and political stability have ridden a rollercoaster ride over the years. Following its gain of independence in 1945, the country adopted a modern constitution stressing "pancasila" or the principles of one supreme God, humanitarianism, nationalism and unity, democracy, and social justice. (40) But under the Suharto regime, it gave way to old habits of secrecy, military power, and cultural division. (41) The author describes a "media boom" in 1999 whereby Indonesia opened its doors to media, and foreign programming flooded print, television, radio, film, and satellite with new images and ideas that the Indonesian population could not resist. (42) This also created economic opportunity, enticing Indonesian business elites to invest in the new and emerging outlets and hope was held out for a free press. (43) However, not surprisingly, press freedom makes the political elite nervous about foreign relations and criticism of the government. (44)

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