The most recent states to emerge on the world scene appeared just
over a decade ago. Almost all of them, over 30 in total, were the
practical and political consequences of the end of the Cold War and the
break-up of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. All of these countries
gained their independence through formal declaration. How and when does
this declarative process of establishing political sovereignty work?
Given the cultural, linguistic, and civilizational differences that are
said to shape our world, how did we arrive at a globally shared language
of statehood? These are among the questions that Harvard historian David
Armitage tackles in his appropriately global history of the US
Declaration of Independence, the document that began it all.
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The Declaration of Independence has long been regarded as national
property. But where US popular lore sees mirrored in its words the image
of the nation, Armitage sees the reflections of a wider world. Armitage
writes that the Declaration was the first document in world history to
make "such an announcement of statehood in the language of
independence." His history explores the specific circumstances of
the late eighteenth century that shaped the global characteristics of
that document, as well as the ways in which it placed the US among, in
the words of the Declaration, the "Powers of the Earth."
Late eighteenth century Europeans and Americans had a vision of
their place in the world that was unprecedentedly comprehensive. They
did and could travel widely and possessed the printing technology to
spread information and produce maps. Above all, they traded--exchanging
goods, currencies, and ideas, which traveled extensively. The
Declaration of Independence owed its generic promiscuity as much to the
Swiss jurist Emer de Vattel's 1758 work The Law of Nations as to
the model of the Dutch Revolt, which was regarded by the aspirational
colonists as an example of a successful secession movement. In
Armitage's engaging and energetic historical account, many
interesting details color the international and transnational context of
the late eighteenth century. As Thomas Jefferson described it, the
Declaration was, for the colonists, an instrument "pregnant with
our own and the fate of the world."
The original Declaration of Independence did not draw on any of the
words we might expect to find in a more modern version:
"independence," "nation," or "American."
It did refer to "one people," the guarantee of "life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," and the right of the
individual to seek freedom from tyranny through the creation of a free
independent state. But these were phrases invoked in order to legitimize
the United States' place in a world system of states and to
establish its legal status as a sovereign state. The Declaration
addressed not the domestic populace, but international authority and the
"opinions of mankind." Its intent was to establish statehood,
not to forge a nation in the modern ethno-political sense.
Armitage details the Declaration's speedy transmission and
translation; for instance, the first German translation was for the
benefit of Philadelphia's German community. In addition to being
published in newspapers, copies were sent formally along diplomatic
routes and informally in the correspondence that crossed the Atlantic.
The Spanish-American authorities were so fearful of the power of the
Declaration's text that they attempted to obstruct its
dissemination. Nevertheless, its words would echo in the Latin American
revolutions of the early nineteenth century.
Despite the British government's initial refusal to accept the
Declaration's claims, the document ultimately achieved its
authors' aims. Why did it work? Partly because it declared a fact
of separation, although not a fait accompli (victory in a war with
Britain would have been required for that); partly because it was the
culmination of a concentrated strategy of spin, letters, petitions,
proposals, addresses, and speeches; and partly because it spoke to the
implicit codes of an existing system of states and their intrinsic
interdependence, even as it altered that system's scope for
recognizing new states.
According to Armitage, there have been four historically distinct
moments of declaring independence. The first was the age of revolutions
in the early nineteenth century: the creation of new states out of the
Spanish empire in South America and the breakaway of Greece and Serbia
from the Ottomans. The second was the end of World War I: the
disaggregation of the Ottoman, Russian, Habsburg and German empires. The
third was the aftermath of World War II the decolonization period
affecting the British and French empires. The fourth was the end of the
Cold War: the dispersal of the composite lands of the Soviet Union and
the tragic secession of the states of Yugoslavia. In these varying
contexts, Armitage provides us with a concise account of the creation of
the Declaration of Independence as an enduring genre of political
document.
In all of these cases, the local and the global have been
inextricably enmeshed, the national and international made
interdependent. Armitage's argument is less certain when it speaks
to the 20th century world and to the interwoven history of nationalism
and statehood as distinctive bases of sovereignty. But Armitage warns
the reader at the outset that the nation is not his chief concern;
rather, this is the story of the emergence of a world of states from a
world of empires, when independence "was associated with
sovereignty and hence with juridical status rather than with national
identities, whether ethnic, linguistic, historical, or religious."
Armitage also makes the point that over this period, the changing
political and cultural climates in which these declarations were made
radically shifted, transforming the meanings and intentions of past and
future declarations. It was only after 1812 that the Declaration of
Independence became a national icon, generating "the same
cross-party national fervor as the Fourth of July itself." In this
phase, enthusiasts shifted their attention from the declaration's
international purpose to its domestic significance. The second
paragraph, which emphasized the goals of "life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness," now defined the nation, even as the same
phrase became one of the United States' greatest ideological
exports to the world.
Armitage's global history of the Declaration of Independence
is also a history of losers. The first imitation of the Declaration of
Independence occurred within a year, ironically enough as the
declaration of Vermont's independence from the newly independent
United States. The infant United States refused to recognize
Vermont's declaration on the grounds that "[i]f every district
so disposed, may for themselves determine that they are not within the
claim of the thirteen states ... we may soon have ten hundred states,
all free and independent." Curiously too, this same argument was
put by the executive of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (itself the
second "Yugoslavia" to declare independence in the 20th
century) in answer to the ultimately successful declarations of
independence made by the states of Croatia and Slovenia in 1991. There
is a handy listing in the substantial appendices of this volume of all
the declarations of independence ever thrust upon the world. The failure
of Vermont's declaration of independence, however, along with those
of Abkhazia, Crimea, and Karadzjic's Republika Srpska, are a
memorial to the speed with which the political dramas of the modern
world, and its aspiring sovereign states, are forgotten.
These examples also return us to the questions of what makes for a
successful declaration and why they are worthwhile. Without a doubt,
this global history testifies to the power of words and ideas. It also
speaks to the political astuteness of seeking the "opinions of
mankind," since the resort to war has never guaranteed successful
statehood. In an age of intensified globalization, it reminds us of the
ways in which even outdated practices of the past intervene in the
present. As the "powers of the earth" become concentrated in
global capital, and the "opinions of mankind" are as
powerfully presented by bloggers as by statesmen, declarations of
independence seem a quaint reminder of a time when the creation of
nation-states promised the world.
GLENDA SLUGA is Associate Professor of History at the University of
Sydney. She specializes in the history of international relations and
the history of gender and identity. The Declaration of Independence: A
Global History is by David Armitage (Harvard University Press, 2007).
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NOTE: All illustrations and photos have been removed from this article.