By the early 1980's, American industry had experienced a
crisis that transformed its stable nature. The advent of a global
economy; advancing technology; changes in the American labor force; and
the ongoing dynamic between business, labor, and government that
introduced many contractual obligations into the employment relationship
were several of the forces putting pressure on the status quo of the
modern corporate system. Applied in an era of reduced resources, these
pressures gave birth to the takeover and downsizing trends of the 1980s
and 1990s.
As corporate organizational structures flattened, power and
responsibility were delegated to a wider range of people, including the
traditionally dependent followers. Leaders expected more initiative and
risk taking from their followers (Lippitt, 1982). But as these business
organizations struggled to reform themselves, leaders found that their
followers were ill equipped to take initiative or to collaborate with
their superiors (Berg, 1998). Followers saw the challenge but avoided
the risk of new responsibilities for which they had no training or
support (Lippitt, 1982). When the need arose for a more active follower,
the model of the omniscient leader and obedient, passive follower or
subordinate was too entrenched to allow those subordinates to embrace a
new role of active followership. Instead, the focus was recentered on
leadership: developing new leadership skills and even developing those
leadership skills in followers. There was no focus on the
leader-follower relationship or on the demands placed on each role
(Berg, 1998).
The demise of the psychological contract and the organizational
pressures resulting from the downsizing trends of the 1980s and 1990s
were viewed by some as an opportunity for employees to craft a new
psychological contract by taking a partnership role with their leaders
(Potter, Rosenbach, & Pittman, 1996). Nonetheless, the image of the
"drab powerless masses" that Burns (1978, p. 3) described as
followers in the historic leadership literature was slow to change. Berg
(1998) reported that participants in his Leadership and Followership
workshops conducted in the early 1990s used words like
"sheep," "passive," "obedient,"
"lemming," and "serf" (p. 29) to describe followers,
and he attributed these negative associations to the organizational and
psychological demeaning of the follower role.
Moving to a View of Active Followers
Although management scholars in the first decades of the 20th
century were slow to recognize and discuss followers, theorists in other
behavioral science fields were not. In psychoanalysis and psychology,
Freud in 1921 and Fromm in 1941 identified a psychological link between
leader and followers; Erikson discussed a link between leader and
followers in 1975 (Hollander, 1992b). In anthropology, Mead (1949)
discussed the importance of examining the psychological relationships
between leader, lieutenant, and follower; the effect those psychological
relationships had in the lives of the individuals; and cultural and
anthropological factors that affected the individuals and their roles.
In sociology, Sanford (1950) observed that "leadership is an
intricate relation between leader and followers" (p. 183) and that
leaders had to meet their followers' needs to maintain a desirable
relationship with them. Homans (1950) discussed the "human
group" and posited a connection between a leader and a group by
whose norms the leader must live (pp. 425-429). In 1961 Homans was among
the early writers to describe a process of exchange between leader and
group members in which both parties give and take resources (Bargal
& Schmid, 1989). It gave recognition to the group member, or
follower, as well as to the leader. Homans's work laid the
foundation for social exchange theory, which was antecedent to
transactional leadership theory (Hollander & Offermann, 1990) and
one of the forebears of active followership theory.
The Early Voices of Active Followership Theory
The theorists who began bridging the concepts of passive
subordinates and active followers included those of social psychologist
Hollander and his associates. In 1955, Hollander and Webb (1955) argued
that leader and follower was not an either/or proposition in which
leaders and followers were found at opposite ends of a continuum. They
proposed that the qualities associated with leadership and followership
were interdependent. They conducted one of the earliest empirical
studies about leaders and followers and concluded that nonleaders were
not desirable as followers and that qualifies of followership needed to
be considered as a component of good leadership. Building on
Homans's work about social exchange processes, Hollander and Julian
(1969) reviewed then-recent studies and concluded that leadership
encompassed a "two-way influence relationship" (p. 390) that
contained an "implicit exchange relationship" (p. 395) between
leaders and followers over time.
In 1974 Hollander advanced this line of thought when he authored
"Processes of Leadership Emergence." In it he framed the
central arguments about leaders and followers that arose from the
traditional view of follower as subordinate:
It is commonly assumed that a cleavage exists between
those who lead and those who follow, and that being a
follower is not being a leader.... Only some members
of a group have "leadership qualities" ... and stand
out as "leaders" ... Followers are treated essentially
as "nonleaders," which is a relatively passive residual
category. (pp. 20-21)
In his work, Hollander (1974) raised questions and identified
topics that became central themes and issues in active followership
literature. These included the ideas that leader and follower were roles
and processes that should not be confused with the people filling them;
that at least some of the time and to some extent, leaders were also
followers; and that the behaviors needed to fill a leader's role at
a particular time were not limited to leaders alone and that followers
could also have those behaviors. Other concepts identified by Hollander
that reappeared later in active followership literature included drawing
a distinction about the source of a leader's authority and its
affect on followers, the two-way influence process between leader and
follower, and the role of the situation in the leader--follower
relationship.
Other early voices spoke and wrote about leaders and followers but
did not affect active followership theory. In these works, the authors
urged leaders to focus on followers as a way of improving managers'
leadership skills; they did not study followers in and of themselves.
Wortman (1982) called these works "leadership studies that
incorporate data about followers" (p. 373).
A few researchers did follow in Hollander's footsteps by
examining the leader--follower relational component of active
followership. Herold (1977) used a laboratory study to demonstrate how
each party could influence the other party's behavior in a
leader--follower relationship or dyad. He contributed to the growing
body of literature that supported the idea that leader effectiveness
must look beyond analyzing the effects of leader behavior on
subordinates; subordinate effects on leader behavior must also be
considered.
Frew (1977) contributed to followership theory by focusing on the
importance of followers to a leader's success and by developing the
first instrument that measured followership. His contributions were only
beginning steps, though, because he examined followers to determine what
kinds of leadership styles they preferred in their supervisors. His
conclusions focused on making leaders more effective and improving
organizational effectiveness by reducing managerial error; followers
were not the focus of his conclusions. Additionally, although he studied
followers and followership, he did not define the terms.
Steger, Manners, and Zimmerer (1982) advanced followership theory
by proposing the first followership model built on two dimensions:
followers' desire for self-enhancement and followers' desire
for self-protection. Nine followership styles resulted from the
followers' high, medium, or low attraction to each of the
dimensions. Although they noted that "we are all followers in some
way" (p. 22), Steger et al. did not provide definitions of follower
or followership, although they did state that a followership theory
would offer a taxonomy of subordinates' behavioral reactions to
leaders.
Steger et al. (1982) raised two important issues that resurfaced in
later decades as key issues in active followership theory:
organizational structure and the use of power. In their view, a
hierarchical structure was a given, and the only question was how much
freedom the organization gave a manager to reward or punish
subordinates. Power was not shared with followers; it was a managerial
tool. Depending on a follower's style, a manager used direct power,
supportive and developmental power, or devious and manipulative power to
motivate followers to support organizational change.
Although Steger et al. (1982) took beginning steps in discussing
follower behaviors and attributes, they also focused on followers as a
means of improving managerial performance. They asserted that as
managers moved up through the organizational hierarchy they encountered
different types of "followerships" (p. 51) and that management
training was needed to help a manager understand different follower
styles and how to motivate the followers.
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