The next national elections, the May 1998 National Assembly
elections, brought a parliamentary majority to Karen Demirchian and
Vazgen Sargsian, positioning them to challenge the authority of
President Kocharian. (128) Some months after those elections, the
political assassinations described in Part II were perpetrated in the
Parliament. The confusion and power vacuum created by the killings gave
President Kocharian the opportunity to begin the accumulation of power
in the Executive branch of Armenia. (129)
1. The 2003 Elections
In February through March and May of 2003, Armenia held its third
presidential and fourth parliamentary elections since independence from
the Soviet Union in 1991. (130) The first round of voting in the
presidential elections was held on February 19, 2003. (131) As required
under Armenian law, a second round of voting was scheduled since none of
the nine candidates had received the "50% plus one votes"
(132) mandated by the Electoral Code. (133) Following accusations of
election falsification, (134) mass demonstrations, and arrests of
opposition supporters, (135) the second round of the elections was held
on March 5, 2003. (136) The incumbent, President Robert Kocharian, was
declared the decisive victor, with 67.5% of votes cast. (137)
The elections were held in the context of concentrated reform and
support efforts by the international community, including the U.S.
government through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
and its contractors. (138) In 2002-2003, a total of $22.4 million of aid
from the United States was directed toward the municipal, presidential,
and National Assembly elections of 2002-2003. (139) Other donors
included Armenia's European neighbors, through the offices of the
Council of Europe and the OSCE. (140)
The efforts of the international community to help foster free and
fair elections included millions of dollars of assistance, in the form
of, inter alia, technology transfers, monitoring of and assistance to
the media, and trainings of election officials and the Judiciary in
preparation for the elections, media monitoring, and assistance. (141)
Nevertheless, the elections failed to meet international standards,
(142) and raised serious doubts regarding the validity of the
proceedings and their official results. In both the parliamentary and
presidential elections of 2003, the OSCE/ODIHR election observation
missions (143) opined that the conduct of the proceedings did not meet
international standards. Despite this commitment of resources and
conventional perception of the Republic as a beacon of democracy and
economic progress, the 2003 Armenian elections were neither free nor
fair, (144) evidencing instead a well-thought-out and coordinated
subversion of the democratic process.
2. Referenda
In addition to elections for public office, since its independence
from the Soviet Union, Armenia has held three referenda. Through the
constitutional referendum of 1995, the Armenian people approved the
Republic's first post-Soviet Constitution. (145) The second
referendum on the Constitution, held in tandem with the parliamentary
elections of 2003, did not receive voter approval for the proposed
constitutional amendments. (146) Finally, the contested results of the
2005 constitutional referendum, according to the administration,
confirmed the populace's approval for the proposed constitutional
reforms. (147)
C. Post-Soviet Elections Violation Trends
A review of the OSCE/ODIHR final election reports issued after the
1996, 1998, 1999, and 2003 elections reveal recurring trends in Armenian
electoral violations. This analysis will highlight a number of the more
fundamental defects in the conduct of the elections that undermine the
freedom and fairness of the Armenian electoral process as observed by
the OSCE/ODIHR.
1. Access to Media:
In its 1996 Presidential Elections Report, the OSCE/ODIHR mission
noted that the incumbent President received the lion's share of
electronic media coverage, and that the vast majority of such coverage
was favorable. (148) The report noted with concern that the state of the
media in Armenia, and the economic circumstances of the majority of its
citizens, created a heavy reliance by voters on electronic media for
information about the elections and candidates, as only electronic media
provided nationwide coverage. (149) The state television station, in
defiance of electoral laws and regulations, did not provide equal
coverage of all candidates. (150)
The failure of media outlets to adhere to Armenian electoral law
and the discriminatory nature of coverage continued to be a significant
problem during the presidential and National Assembly elections in 1998,
1999 and 2003. (151)
2. Voter Lists
The observer mission in 1996 pointed to the inadequacy of the voter
lists, the lack of coordination and the lack of transparency in their
production, and their overall inaccuracy, as important elements in the
conduct of Armenia's elections. (152) Nevertheless, throughout the
ensuing OSCE/ODIHR reports, covering elections in 1998, 1999, and 2003,
the flaws in the voter lists continued to bedevil the conduct of
elections in Armenia. (153) The most serious allegations were the
inclusion of the deceased and nonresident, the removal of current
residents, and the failure to post lists at polling stations prior to
elections, as required by the election laws. (154)
3. Military Voting
The 1996 report noted observations of voting by military units
where soldiers were brought to polling stations, instructed on the
substance of their vote, and subjected to open voting in view of their
commanding officers. (155) Similar observations were made in the
majority of subsequent Armenia election reports. (156)
4. Ballot Stuffing
Allegations and direct observations of ballot stuffing (157) were
included in the 1996 report of the OSCE/ODIHR. (158) Similar
allegations, varying only with respect to scope and frequency of the
occurrence of the reported activity, appear in most of the subsequent
election reports. (159)
5. Flaws in Counting and Vote Verification
Among the flaws observed in the counting of ballots, the 1996
election observer teams reported: failure to conduct the count in
accordance with Armenia's Electoral Code, discrepancies among the
number of ballots received by individual polling stations, the total
number of ballots reported by the polling stations, and the final count
of registered voters released by the Armenian Central Electoral
Commission (ACEC). (160) Similar flaws were reported in each of the
subsequent Armenian election reports. (161)
6. Presence of Unauthorized Persons in Polling Stations
The 1996 report of the OSCE/ODIHR recounts the presence in polling
stations of a large number of unauthorized persons, including military
or law enforcement personnel and representatives of the Ministry of
Interior, among others. (162) The report noted the danger of
intimidation of voters and recommended that this problem be addressed.
(163) Nevertheless, intimidation of voters and the presence of
unauthorized persons in polling stations during Armenian elections and
election campaigns continued to recur in all subsequent elections in the
Republic. (164)
Other apparent trends in the shortcomings reported surrounding the
conduct of a majority of the post-Soviet Armenian elections,
particularly the presidential elections, include the co-opting of state
resources to the election campaign of the incumbent administration,
(165) intimidation, and violence directed toward opposition candidates
and members of the public, (166) and lack of security of ballots or
ballot boxes, (167) such that ballots are openly and illegally
circulated outside polling stations during the conduct of the elections.
(168)
D. Theatrical Non-Reform Reform?
The ongoing nature of these flaws notwithstanding, Armenia
undertook a number of overt initiatives to combat the defects in the
conduct of its elections.
1. The Electoral Code
The first example of such initiatives is the promulgation of a
wide-ranging Electoral Code, enacted and first employed in the 1999
National Assembly elections and amended for the 2003 elections. (169)
The Electoral Code replaced the 1996 Law of the Republic of Armenia on
the Election of the President of the Republic of Armenia and the 1996
Law of the Republic of Armenia on the Effects of Local Self-Governing
Bodies. (170) The enactment of the Electoral Code and its subsequent
amendment were both greeted with approval by the OSCE Election
Observation Missions. (171)
2. Armenian Voter Lists
Second, in preparation for the 1999 National Assembly elections,
the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) initiated a wide-ranging
program to clean up and clarify the Armenian voter list. (172)
Nevertheless, the voter lists continued to be generated by local
authorities, with little or no coordination, resulting in the absence of
a master voter list from which duplication could be verified. (173)
3. The Law on Television and Radio Broadcasting
Finally, the Law on Television and Radio Broadcasting, was adopted
for the 2003 elections. (174) Article 28 of the new media law mandates
impartial and equal access of electoral candidates to state media
outlets. (175) In addition, several provisions of the Electoral Code
require equality of media access for all candidates. (176) Both
legislative efforts constitute significant improvements over preexisting
laws.
4. Memoranda of Understanding
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