Understanding and facilitating career development of people of Appalachian culture: an integrated approach.

The literature on career development for people of Appalachian culture is sparse. This article reviews cultural values of Appalachians and proposes an innovative career intervention model to best serve people of this culture. The model integrates the concepts of the social cognitive career development approach (R. W. Lent, S. D. Brown, & G. Hackett, 1994) and ecological counseling principles (R. K. Conyne & E. P. Cook, 2004). As this model demonstrates, providing contextual and cultural accommodation is critical in order to gain the trust and permission to work with people of Appalachian culture.

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Research on career development of minority groups has been increasingly popular in the past 2 decades, but literature on people of Appalachian culture is more limited. Most of the literature focuses on the four major minority groups as identified in the multicultural textbooks: Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, African Americans, and Native Americans. People of Appalachian culture have become an invisible minority because they do not appear outwardly different from mainstream Americans. This is particularly true of the "urban Appalachian" minority because they are encountered unexpectedly outside the area labeled Appalachia. Often considered as simply part of a lower socioeconomic group rather than as a cultural minority, people of Appalachian culture have their own distinct cultural values that differ from those of mainstream Americans.

Appalachians are defined as people born in the geographic area along the spine of the Appalachian Mountains, which include the Great Smoky Mountains and the Cumberland Mountains. The legal geographical boundaries were set by the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965 (ARDA; 1965) and include 406 counties in 13 states (all of West Virginia and parts of Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia). ARDA created the Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC), which divided Appalachia into three subregions: Northern (all Appalachian counties in Maryland, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania and some in Virginia and West Virginia), Central (all Appalachian counties in eastern Kentucky and some in Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia), and Southern (remaining Appalachian counties of Tennessee and Virginia, plus those in Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina, and South Carolina). Two thirds of the region is composed of rural counties (populations less than 10,000), with one third of the Appalachian population living in them, which is more than double the percentage of the rural population in all of the United States. Central Appalachia has the highest concentration of rural counties and the fewest urban ones. African Americans represent about 8% of the total population for people of Appalachian culture but a higher percentage (about 17%) of urban Appalachians (Maloney & Auffrey, 2004). Urban Appalachians, as referred to in this article and as titled by themselves (e.g., Urban Appalachian Council), are people of Appalachia who have migrated from the ARC region to cities outside Appalachia, not those living in cities within the ARC boundaries (Couto, 2002; Lewis, 2002; Obermiller & Howe, 2002). Estimates vary that from 2 to 5 million Black and White people of Appalachian culture migrated into midwestern urban areas between 1940 and 1970, resulting in large subcultures in such cities as Detroit, Chicago, and Cincinnati (Berry, 2000; Borman & Obermiller, 1994; Hobbs, 1998; Jones, 2002; Wilson, 1983). The basic difference between people who remained in Appalachia and those who migrated to urban areas outside Appalachia was primarily home and/or land ownership, thus having an entrenched economic stake in the community. Company ownership of workers' homes was one contributing factor to mobility. Sharecropping was another. There was no great demand for housing in most Appalachian areas during the 1940s to the 1970s, which made it difficult to convert what was often a family's sole asset to cash for moving expenses. No cultural differences were apparent between migratory and stay-at-home groups (Maloney, 2006).

Most of the definitive studies of Appalachian culture have concentrated on eastern Kentucky and Ohio and some parts of West Virginia and Tennessee (Obermiller & Maloney, 2002). Caudill's (1963) book Night Comes to the Cumberlands: A Biography of a Depressed Area has been a classic study and one in which he, for example, emphasized Appalachian people's sense of fatalism. However, it is not sensible to make overarching generalizations about the entire culture and needs of Appalachian people throughout the region, because they vary greatly. Similarly, it is not appropriate to assume all people of Appalachian culture are poor. In the literature, it is difficult to separate Appalachian culture from the culture of poverty because they are often intertwined (Payne, 1996). Many people of Appalachia and urban Appalachians, who may still need services, cannot be classified as poor. Interventions focused on poverty do not adequately address their needs. As an example, a 2001 survey conducted in Hamilton County (Greater Cincinnati, Ohio) found that 9 out of 10 families termed Appalachian are in the middle- or upper income brackets, with the largest proportion in the middle-income group (Obermiller & Maloney, 2002). Although the within-group differences exist, there are the same underlying cultural themes, such as trust issues and family solidarity, that are shared across the regions or social class.

People of Appalachia and Their Culture.

Appalachian people have retained their basic culture in the face of inroads by mainstream America and have also carried that culture into the urban areas to which they have migrated, often through the second and third generations (Bailey, 1997; Fisher, 1993; Obermiller & Howe, 2002). Appalachian identity and pronunciation still seem to have negative connotations for people (Bailey, 1997; Knight, Poteete, Sparrow, & Wrye, 2003). The stereotypes of "redneck" and "hillbilly" still influence how people of Appalachian culture are regarded (Bailey, 1997; Hartigan, 1997; Obermiller, 1999), yet many Appalachian people continue to use their lower status dialect as a means of cultural cohesiveness (Jones, 2002).

White, Black, and American Indian families are well represented among Appalachian population groups, but Celtic immigrants (mainly English and Scots) are believed to have had the major influence on the culture because of their Celtic clan social framework (Crotty, n.d.). Cherokee Indians, native to much of the area, frequently intermarried (Duggan, 2002; Prajznerova, 2003), and today many people of middle Appalachia (i.e., Kentucky, Tennessee, West Virginia, and southeastern Ohio) claim some Cherokee ancestry. Most African Americans of Appalachia settled there after the Civil War or when working on the railroads and are well represented in the coal mines of Kentucky and West Virginia (Maloney & Associates, 2003; Wagner, Obermiller, & Turner, 2004; Wilkinson, 1999).

Family and community ties were strengthened by frequent isolation from mainstream culture. Living far from cities and neighbors, often with poor or no roads, the inhabitant of Appalachia was dependent on family and kin, sometimes for his or her very survival. Telephones did not come to much of Appalachia until the 1950s, and the Frontier Nursing Service provided medical personnel on horseback to the isolated hollows of Kentucky until Jeeps were introduced about 50 years ago (Breckinridge, 1972). Travel was difficult throughout much of Central Appalachia, and there was little industrial development. This all increased isolation and greater dependence on the family, church, and community for support and self-identification (Obermiller & Maloney, 1994; Wilson, 1983). These factors also encouraged the independence of the people of Appalachia and a mistrust of outsiders, both individuals and organizations (Drake, 2001; Fisher, 1993; Maloney & Associates, 2003; Obermiller & Maloney, 1994; Wilson, 1983).

Appalachian social relationships appear less hierarchical than in mainstream American culture, yet social standing is dependent on family. Status allocation is based on "being rather than doing," and who you are related to is valued more highly than "degrees and honors" (Maloney & Associates, 2003, p. 3). Equality is valued and being considered "better than others" (p. 3) is looked down on. Members share a mistrust of governmental and outside agencies (including schools), preferring independence and being in control (Fisher, 1993). Political affiliation is usually divided along extended family/kinship lines with self-determinism as the dominant creed (Fisher, 1993; Little, 2002; Maloney, 1993). Parents are particularly distrustful of career education programs that prepare their children for opportunities not available in their home area and that could require them to leave the family. Many feel they are in contention with the schools over the future of their children (Woodrum, 2004).