The influence of Communism on career development and education in Romania.

In Romania (of the 1970s and 1980s), education was mandatory up to the 10th grade and free for the entire length of study. However, the number of high school graduates accepted into colleges or universities was severely restricted. According to the U.S. Library of Congress Study of Romania (Bachman, 1989), only 8% of these graduates were permitted to enroll into the highest educational track. The very same statistics (8%) apply to their East German peers, whereas in West Germany, 23% of late adolescents were accepted into colleges (Pinquart et al., 2004). According to Heller (1988), in the Soviet Union in the 1950s, "roughly 80% of the children finishing secondary school entered an institute of higher education; in the late 1970s, the figure was not more than 18%" (p. 163). Commenting on what they called "the governmental regimentation of access to the highest school track" (p. 127), Pinquart et al. noted that, in East Germany, access to university was determined by the expected need for employees in the relevant fields.

Indeed, Romania shared in this educational strategy with other Communist countries; the profiles and number of career specializations were regulated by a governmental plan outlining need and availability of job opportunities. Highlighting the contrast between democratic and totalitarian regimes, Pinquart et al. (2004) wrote, "Whereas in Western countries educational and career choices are only minimally influenced by the policy, the government of the former East European communist countries intruded upon individual career choices to a large extent" (p. 126). The welfare of each person had to be subordinated to the socioeconomic priorities of the government, resulting in severely restricted choices for the individual.

Another Communist principle that had a strong impact on the career choice was the "equal obligation on all members of society to work" (Engels, 1914/1923, p. 19). It was readily adopted in the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Romania (Constitutia Republicii Socialiste Romania, 1972), which provided that "work is a duty of honor for each citizen of this country" (p. 4). The Romanian work code (Codul Muncii Republicii Socialiste Romania, 1973) also stated, in its very first paragraph, that "workers have the right and the obligation to engage in work that is necessary to society, as each person's welfare and interests are organically linked to the welfare and development of the society as a whole" (p. 8). The addition of the obligation to work forced far-reaching changes in the work ethics and the career choice process. If unemployment was to be eradicated, every high school or college graduate was to be guarantee a job. The significant impact of this provision was that, upon completion of one's educational program, an individual could not apply for a job of his or her choice; the individual was assigned a job. Therefore, during the educational course, students began the career decision-making process by weighing concerns about various factors determined by job assignment, particularly geographical location of the assignment. The opportunity to work in a large city or to remain close to home, along with the anticipated working conditions, became the most important factors in the final decision. The already low number of options available for college or university studies was further reduced by the undesirability of some of their assignments. The range of career choices was restricted and had a very limited field of action in the socialist Romania (Ioanid, 2000; Ludusan, 2003).

Sen (2000) examined the interplay of factors that create the unique context in which development takes place, evidencing the crucial role of freedom on self-determination and quality of life. Sen's view of freedom encompasses both "the processes that allow freedom of actions and decisions, and the actual opportunities that people have, given their personal and social circumstances" (p. 17). Five distinct yet interconnected types of instrumental freedoms are identified: (a) political freedoms, (b) economic facilities, (c) social opportunities, (d) transparency guarantees, and (e) protection security. The aforementioned governmental strategies that make the subject of our study are undeniable social influences on the nature and reach of these individual freedoms; they shape the capability set of alternatives, or what a person is free to do, independent of his or her abilities (Sen, 2000).

Sen's (2000) systematical organization, definition, and overview of instrumental freedoms helps us in underlining their disruption by the Romanian Communist state actions. First, political freedom, the liberty to choose from different political parties, was nonexistent, given that there was only one political organization: the Romanian Communist Party. Second, communal property and centralization of the economic system translated into a lack of economic facilities, denying the individual entitlement to economic transactions. Third, free access to health care and education represented unprecedented conveniences welcomed by all citizens. However, the central planning and economic reality of the Communist administration put its imprint on this social opportunity by limiting the access to higher education and the level of health care offered (e.g., by severely restricting the import of new medical technology). The politically shaped and restricted range of social opportunities was also evident in the process of career choice and advancement, because hierarchical advancement was open only to members of the Communist Party. Fourth, the growing reality of censorship in the informational system, paralleled by the spread of suspicion and distrust among young and old Romanians alike, gives the picture of an increasing opaqueness (the very opposite of transparency) throughout the 42 years of Communist rule. Finally, through guaranteed employment and pensions, the Communist system offered the undisputed advantage of protection security. Ironically, the aforementioned protection security, the only instrumental freedom familiar to Romanian citizens, was fractured by the overturn of the Communist regime. It is easily understandable why in 1992, 3 years after the Revolution of 1989, the newly elected president won the campaign under the slogan "A president for our peace of mind!" (I. Ulescu, personal communication, May 3, 2005). Discussing the reluctance to change a previously confining situation, Sen (2000) wrote,

Deprived people tend to come to terms with their deprivation because

of the sheer necessity of survival, and they may, as a result, lack

the courage to demand any radical change, and may even adjust their

desires and expectations to what they unambitiously see as feasible.

(p. 63)

Higher Education Possibilities and College Choice Process

According to the U.S. Library of Congress Study of Romania (Bachman, 1989), the Romanian academic system was highly competitive, with very restricted numbers for admissions to university. Choosing a college was equivalent to choosing a career with that decision completed by the end of high school at the age of 18. "Despite an impressive network of universities, technical colleges, academies and conservatories, only 8 percent of those eligible for higher education were permitted to enroll. The central government allocated slots based on predicted demand for given occupations" (para. 16). With this restricted opportunity for admissions, competition became very intense at an early age. Because entrance exam scores were the sole criterion used for acceptance into higher education programs, students began planning their area of specialization as early as the eighth grade, so they would be able to devote a significant portion of their high school education to this academic focus. This practice required career choice and decisions to be pushed to the age of 16, or sometimes even as early as 14 (Bachman, 1989).

Upon high school graduation, a student was permitted to apply to only one college, in one specific department. Past academic records or related experience held no value during the admission process; the only admission criterion was the score on the entrance examinations (Bachman, 1989). With this early age for career decisions, it is not surprising that family had a strong influence on career orientation. As Lent, Brown, and Hackett (2000) observed, an individual's family or immediate circle of significant others functions both "as a filter that distills perceptions of structural barriers in the larger environment and [as] a source of information about how one might cope with such barriers" (p. 45). Families acquired private tutoring for their children many years prior to the highly selective and demanding entrance exams. These families were attempting to ensure success in the chosen career arena. "The cost of a private tutor was prohibitive for many workers and peasant families, and rural-urban differences in education exacerbated their differences" (Bachman, 1989, para. 18). For students who gained successful admission to the competitive and selective university programs, the Romanian state provided generous financial support, including low-cost housing and meals, free tuition, book subsidies, and monthly stipends. The financial package awarded depended on various factors, like socioeconomic background and area of specialization.