On Oct. 23 in Iraq's Anbar Province, where al-Qaeda once
enjoyed sanctuary, Sunni tribesmen turned out en masse to commemorate
Shaikh Abdul-Sattar Abu Risha, a leader killed for helping the US rout
the Neo-Salafis from that region. He was hailed as a "martyr".
US-backed Sunni tribal forces in Diyala and other provinces are pushing
al-Qaeda and other Neo-Salafi groups out of their areas. In Lebanon in
September, the efforts of al-Qaeda-inspired guerrillas to take over a
Palestinian refugee camp were crushed.
Across the Arab world, where al-Qaeda had sought to build influence
and bases of operation on the back of widespread anger against the US
over its war in Iraq and the broader war on terrorism, the Neo-Salafi
movement is now showing signs that it is stalled, if not in retreat.
Experts say al-Qaeda's failures have largely come down to its
brutal methods, which have turned off large numbers of Arabs. They say
Muslims from Iraq to Egypt may want their countries to adhere to Islamic
law, but not at the price of suicide bombings.
This is not to say al-Qaeda is vanishing or unable to carry out
attacks. But even the US, which not long ago was warning that a
withdrawal from Iraq could leave al-Qaeda in control of the
Sunni-dominated Anbar from which to threaten American and regional
interests, is now declaring the local movement a spent force.
US Ambassador to Baghdad Ryan Crocker on Oct. 25 told reporters:
"In Falluja, Ramadi, and other parts of Anbar...al-Qaeda simply is
gone". In Baghdad, he said, al-Qaeda was on the ropes "but
still present...Sunni militias are increasingly going out of the militia
business and coming over to say we want to hook up with the coalition
and indeed with the government of Iraq".
The Brookings Institution's Iraq index, which monitors
security indicators in the country, appears to back up Crocker's
assessment. In its latest report, the index found that the flow of
foreign Neo-Salafi fighters to Iraq had dropped from about 85 to about
50 over several recent months. US officials say the number of suicide
bombings in Iraq has fallen from more than 60 in January to about 30 a
month since July.
Marc Lynch, a political scientist at George Washington University
who focuses on Arab countries, says: "I think the generic radical
[Neo-Salafi] ideas are still chugging along, but the organisation is
having a hard time finding safe harbour anywhere. They pop up with these
little groups here and there, they cause trouble, there's a
showdown, and then they lose".
A threat of serious attacks still exists, however. Evan Kohlmann,
an author and consultant on jihadi movements who closely tracks al-Qaeda
and aligned propaganda on the Internet, says: "Iraq was
al-Qaeda's greatest achievement and its greatest failure. At one
time they were riding high from what was happening in Iraq, people were
talking about [similar] movements popping up in Jordan, Egypt, Syria,
and that time has come and gone. Al-Qaeda has gone, in the minds of many
Muslims, from being this kind of chivalrous organisation run by Muslim
knights seeking to defend the purity of the Muslim world and, instead,
they've been revealed for what they are. They've done it to
themselves".
According to a recent US National Intelligence Estimate (NIE),
however, al-Qaeda and its allies appear as strong as ever in parts of
Afghanistan and Pakistan, the two countries which have served as the
movement's core training and planning sites from virtually the day
it was founded. Major plots could emanate from the area where the 9/11
attacks were mapped out.
In Iraq, despite the group's weakened profile, suicide bombers
will continue to strike. The Christian Science Monitor on Oct. 26 said
of al-Qaeda: "No analyst, academic, or intelligence officer goes so
far as to predict that the organization won't carry out mass
casualty attacks again in Europe, the US, or the Arab countries whose
regimes it has long sought to topple. Given the relatively cheap
financial cost of a terrorist attack and the small number of operatives
required, a successful strike - someday, somewhere - is a
certainty".
Bruce Reidel, a former CIA analyst now at the Brookings Institution
in Washington, points out in a recent article in Foreign Affairs that
al-Qaeda has successfully reversed its early losses from the invasion of
Afghanistan and now has a strong base of operations in Pakistan. He
argues that, with those advances, a strong propaganda operation, and
continuing support in what he calls a "global jihadi
subculture", al-Qaeda is well placed to "threaten global
security in the near future". But he also says the group has
suffered major reverses in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordan.
Any concern they could overthrow an Arab regime is misplaced,
Reidel writes, adding: "Al-Qaeda is still too weak to overthrow
established governments equipped with effective security services; it
needs failed states to thrive".
What looked a few years ago to be a fertile moment for al-Qaeda,
moving from the initial defeat in Afghanistan to success in the Iraq
insurgency and savvy use of the Internet and satellite TV stations to
create a base of operations in the heart of the Arab and Islamic world,
has dried up. Iraq's Sunni Arab community has largely rejected
al-Qaeda's vision of creating an Islamic state in its image.
While there is still a vast Sunni Arab insurgency in Iraq, this is
largely focused on using violence to improve its domestic political
position. But, analysts say, what were the heady days of 2004-05 for bin
Laden, when Abu Mus'ab al-Zarqawi was carrying out attacks in Iraq
at will, may be long past.
In an article published on Oct. 26, Fawaz A. Gerges, professor of
international affairs and Arab and Muslim politics at Sarah Lawrence
College, wrote: "Besieged both internally and externally, al-Qaeda
in Iraq struggles to survive and absorb... catastrophic military
setbacks. Coming to the rescue of his followers in Iraq, Mr. bin Laden
(in his latest audiotape) lays his personal authority and credibility on
the line. In a rare moment of self-criticism, he advises 'himself,
Muslims in general, and brothers in al-Qaeda everywhere to avoid
extremism' and put the interests of the ummah (universal Muslim
community) above those of tribe, party, and nation.
"True to form, bin Laden stops short of saying exactly who
speaks for the ummah and how the interests of this imagined ummah can
override those of separate nation states and special groups. Never
before had bin Laden, ambitious and media-savvy, gone so far in airing
al-Qaeda's dirty linen in public. In the past, he and his
second-in-command, Ayman al-Zawahiri, had privately advised chiefs of
al-Qaeda's wing in Iraq against fueling sectarian war between Sunni
and Shi'ite Muslims and imposing their extremist ways on Iraqis.
But their pleas didn't fly.
"In his latest 'message to the people of Iraq', bin
Laden's misgivings reflect the gravity of al-Qaeda's crisis in
Iraq and a belated effort to win over Sunni Arabs opposed to the
militant organization. Stressing unity over the current division and
disarray, he urged Sunni tribes to uphold their 'tradition of
resisting' foreign occupation like that of British colonialists in
the last century.
"Bin Laden even invoked the prophet Muhammad to drive home his
message of unity and forgiveness: 'The prophet peace be upon him
said once: no one is perfect. We all make mistakes and we should seek
forgiveness of these mistakes. Human beings commit wrongs, and wrongs
always lead to conflict and dispute. Having acknowledged that we have
made mistakes...[w]e can now seek to rectify these mistakes'.
"...Ironically, this self-anointed leader of all mujahideen
who wage wars against both their own pro-Western Muslim governments and
the United States will probably not see his followers in Iraq, or Sunni
tribes and fighters, heeding his call for cooperation. Having expelled
many al-Qaeda members from their quarters at great costs, Sunni
communities will not let these members back. And while welcoming bin
Laden's public apology, Iraqi Sunni leaders have already dismissed
his message as too little, too late. But bin Laden's troubles
transcend Iraq.
"Prominent [Muslim] clerics and former militants call into
question the very legitimacy of bin Laden's authority as a
spokesman for Islam and Muslims. And last month, one of bin Laden's
most prominent Saudi mentors, the [Wahhabi] preacher and scholar Salman
al-Odah, wrote an open letter reproaching him for 'fostering a
culture of suicide bombings that has caused bloodshed and suffering and
brought ruin to entire Muslim communities and families'.
"Bin Laden's al-Qaeda was dealt another shattering blow
from within when one of its top theorists, Abdul-Aziz el-Sherif,
renounced its extremes, including the killing of civilians and the
choosing of targets based on religion and nationality. In the past few
months, Mr. El-Sherif - a longtime associate of Zawahiri, who crafted
what became known as al- Qaeda's guide to jihad - called on
militants to desist from terrorism and authored a dissenting rebuttal
against his former cohorts.
"In early October, Abdulaziz aal-Ashaikh, the [Wahhabi] grand
mufti of Saudi Arabia, issued a fatwa prohibiting Saudis from engaging
in jihad abroad and accused both bin Laden and Arab regimes of
'transforming our youth into walking bombs to accomplish their own
political and military aims'.
"Today, al-Qaeda in Iraq possesses limited options, and is
trying to buy time. But while entrapped and weakened, al-Qaeda is far
from dead. Bin Laden's brief moment of self-criticism shows that,
although he listens, it's difficult to keep a ship from sinking
after being thrown overboard".
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