It should be noted that the SSUTA by no means establishes an
"economically satisfactory" sales tax regime, even if it does
address some of the administrative problems that arise under current
policy. In particular, retail sales taxes are generally quite poor
approximations to destination-based consumption taxes. On the one hand,
their tax bases are too inclusive, in that they tax many
intermediate-goods transactions. As Ring (1999) has shown, the states
differ widely in the proportion of sales tax revenues derived from
taxation of sales to consumers. This figure is as high as 89 percent in
West Virginia, but as low as 28 percent in Hawaii, averaging 59 percent
for the nation as a whole. (The wide interstate variation in this
respect is one important indicator of the extent of state revenue
autonomy, and also of the hurdles to be surmounted if states are to
achieve significant "base harmonization," a reform that would
likely facilitate Congressional action in support of an initiative such
as the SSUTA.) For the nation as a whole, then, it appears that more
than one-third of sales tax revenue derives from transactions that would
not be taxed under a consumption tax. On the other hand, state sales tax
bases are not inclusive enough, viewed from the perspective of
consumption taxation. Exemptions for food and clothing are widespread
and well known. Just as importantly, especially in an economy with a
growing service sector, expenditures on health, education, financial,
and other services provided to households are also often exempt from
sales taxation. (6) (Business services should be exempt from retail
sales taxes that are intended to tax consumption, since these services
are intermediate inputs, not final consumption.) For both of these
reasons, retail sales taxes are far from ideal taxes from an efficiency
perspective. Indeed, as noted below, state personal income taxes may
approximate a tax on final consumption better than existing retail sales
taxes do.
State Taxation of Pension Incomes
As is well known, personal income taxes, as they are implemented in
practice, are not taxes on true economic income. Instead, they are
"hybrids" of income taxes and consumption taxes. A consumption
tax differs from an income tax in that it taxes the uses of income, at
the time that it is consumed, rather than the sources of income as it
accrues. Federal and state tax treatment of the income from retirement
savings, capital gains, and other types of income produces a tax system
that diverges substantially from a true income tax and that corresponds
in important ways to a personal consumption tax. In particular, when
households elect to save a portion of their earnings using tax-sheltered
retirement savings in IRAs, 401(k)s, and other similar accounts, the
return on their savings within these accounts is not subject to tax
until the assets within the accounts are distributed upon retirement.
This means that the economic income arising from the return to capital
in these accounts escapes taxation. Similarly, employer contributions to
employee pension plans as well as the return on these contributions are
not subject to tax until they are distributed at retirement. Since the
proceeds of these distributions finance retirement consumption, the
taxation of distributions from tax-sheltered savings and pension
accounts effectively shifts the personal income tax away from a tax on
all sources of income to a tax on the uses of income when consumed, that
is, to a consumption tax. The taxation of capital gains on a realization
basis offers similar opportunities for households to opt out of a tax on
economic income and Into a tax on consumption. By electing to defer
realization of capital gains until the proceeds from asset sales are
needed in order to finance current spending, households are again able
effectively to convert the "income" tax to a tax on
consumption expenditures.
These features of current federal and state personal income tax
systems do not result in true or "pure" personal consumption
taxation, since there are limits on the amount of nonwage income that
can be sheltered from taxation as it accrues. Furthermore, early
distributions from sheltered accounts are often subject to penalties,
making them unattractive instruments for non-retirement savings.
Consequently, a significant amount of nonwage income is taxed as it
accrues, and to this extent the personal income tax diverges from a
consumption tax and more closely approximates a true income tax.
Existing federal and state income taxes are, thus, "hybrids"
of income and consumption taxes.
The interstate mobility of households over the life cycle adds an
interesting aspect to the question of consumption taxation at the state
level. Suppose that a household earns wage income when residing and
working in one state, say state A, directing a portion of this income
into tax-sheltered retirement savings accounts. Suppose that the
household moves to a different state B upon retirement and then receives
distributions from its retirement savings accounts. This
household's life-cycle consumption is now spread across two states.
Assuming that both states impose taxes on personal income, the question
arises as to whether distributions from retirement accounts
"should" be taxed in A or B. If these distributions are taxed
by state A, then its personal income tax base is the lifetime
consumption of households that reside and earn wages there early in the
life cycle. If retirement distributions are taxed in state B instead,
then state A's personal income tax allows it to tax consumption
early in the household's life cycle, while state B's personal
income tax base includes the household's retirement consumption
expenditures. These two alternatives may be referred to as "source
based" and "residence based" taxation of distributions
from sheltered accounts, and they result in source-based and
residence-based consumption taxation, respectively. (7)
Needless to say, this simple illustrative example abstracts from
many nontrivial complications, including the possibility that households
may reside in several different states at different stages of the life
cycle and may face graduated and time-varying income tax rates in
different states. It serves, however, to show that the tax treatment of
retirement distributions on a source or destination basis has important
implications for state personal income taxation. Both types of taxation
have some economic virtues. Source-based taxation allows states (state A
in the example) to tax a household's lifetime consumption if it
earns wage income there when young and takes advantage of opportunities
to shelter a portion of this income from current income taxation.
State-level taxes on lifetime consumption may be viewed as desirable on
equity grounds, and, if so, the principle of horizontal equity might be
interpreted to require that lifetime tax burdens be fixed independently
of the state in which consumption occurs. Under this principle,
residence-based taxation would be undesirable because it would result in
unequal lifetime state income tax burdens for households that remain in
one state for their entire lifetimes as compared with other households
that relocate at some point in the life cycle, thereby exiting the
personal income tax system of the previous state(s) of residence and
entering the system of their new state(s) of residence. The
implementation and even the conceptual justification for this horizontal
equity argument for source-based consumption taxation appears to be
quite problematic, however, when applied to households that reside in
several different states during the pre-retirement portion of the life
cycle.
Destination-based consumption taxation might be preferable to
source-based taxation on efficiency grounds, insofar as households
(including retirees) impose public-service provision costs on the states
where they reside. Location-contingent taxes, such as a
destination-based consumption tax, can enhance locational efficiency by
serving as indirect congestion tolls when governments provide
congestible public goods. (8)
PL 104-85, passed in 1996, has decided this issue of state taxation
in favor of the residence principle. Prior to the passage of this law,
states had the option of imposing income taxes on distributions from the
retirement accounts of former residents and some 16 states did so, at
least in principle. (9) By declaring that states may only tax such
distributions on a residence basis, this statute has clarified how
states may exercise some of their taxing powers, obviating potential
constitutional and other legal disputes regarding double taxation and
nexus. It also obviates the difficult administrative issues that arise,
under the source principle, for individuals who reside in multiple
states during their working lifetimes. By settling on the residence
principle, the statute equips states that attract older residents with
an important policy instrument with which to finance the public services
that these households demand, even as it limits the ability of states to
impose taxes on their working populations. This is an important policy
distinction in an economy with a rapidly aging population and growing
amounts of wealth held in tax sheltered accounts. The availability of
this tax instrument permits states to shift the burden of government
finance to the elderly, if desired. Competition for older workers under
these circumstances may result in state-expenditure, regulatory, and
other policies that are more favorable to older residents with
significant amounts of accumulated tax-sheltered savings.
Corporation Income Taxation
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