2. Why are so few contracts formalized, and are more formal
arrangements superior? Presumably, lawyers and other sources of
"advice" for farmers might suggest that using a written
contract is advisable. Is it?
3. Although the farm is often treated as an autonomous
decision-making unit, first-level handlers are clearly involved to some
extent in the decisions that farmers make. What purpose does this
involvement serve? Monitoring, exercise of authority, and provision of
information are all candidates.
4. How does one measure market power or price discrimination in a
contractual relationship? Variation in contract terms across individual
growers seems necessary but not sufficient.
5. Contracts are often used to securitize debt in financing new
farm-level capital. What is the economic rationale for tying marketing
and lending activities?
Study of these questions and finding research-based answers
requires original thinking and specialized data collection. Incentives
are in place for individual researchers to undertake efforts aimed at
answering these questions. Data approaches likely will involve some
combination of surveys (of growers, firms, lenders, and of the lawyers
who serve contracting parties) and of case-study type research, which
yields detailed information about specific contractual relationships.
There are also a number of regional research groups among members of
Land Grant universities where study of contracts and organizations might
reasonably have a place, though perhaps there is need for a separate
organization to encourage stronger links among interested university and
government researchers. Whatever efforts emerge, all would benefit from
better descriptive data on the form that contracts take, and how form
varies within and across sectors.
Conclusions
Data on the incidence and structure of agricultural contracts are
scarce. No doubt this is because contracts govern business
relationships, and the information they contain sometimes has strategic
value. Contracts are difficult to "measure" even with full
cooperation of contracting parties. The written content of contracts can
be complex and, to the extent that there are implicit elements of a
"contract," may only partially describe the rights and
obligations of the relevant parties. Of the empirical research that has
been conducted to date, most has relied on idiosyncratic success that
individual researchers have had in negotiating access to the private
business of firms. In some cases, this has been access to individual
contracts, while in other cases access has included contracts plus
compensation and production outcomes. Some researchers have surveyed
either farmers or firms to obtain cross-sectional evidence on variation
in contract characteristics. Data of this sort only crudely summarizes
contracts, but is useful because it allows greater coverage of the
research population. Finally, USDA ARMS and agricultural census data
report on the incidence of "marketing" and
"production" contracts.
Although collecting data from individual firms or surveying
contracting parties is a difficult task, there is no viable alternative
for learning about the nature and importance of contracting in
agriculture. We have questioned the value of the production/marketing
contract typology that the USDA uses. Rather than ask grower-respondents
to classify their contractual relationship into one of two categories,
it would be more informative to ask a few specific questions about the
contracts they use. We suggest that there may also be value in gradual
accumulation of sectoral "clearinghouses," where the
organizational structure of commodity sectors--including the nature and
incidence of alternative contracting practices--is described and
summarized. Summary information of responses to questions about specific
contract characteristics, together with sectoral descriptions of how
production and marketing are organized, would provide general
information that individual researchers (or research groups) can use to
launch investigations on more specific topics as the need or interest
arises.
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(1) The series are different because one is based on quantity and
the other on value, and because the definition of what defines a
"contract" is different across the studies. Mighell et al.
(1963) focus exclusively on production contracts, while MacDonald et al.
(2004) report on both production and marketing contracts.
(2) Additionally, there has been little or no increase (possibly
even a decrease) in the extent of "vertical integration," or
of food processing firms participating directly in farm production.
Mighell and Jones (1963) report that 3.9% of farm production occurred in
such firms in 1960, while MacDonald et al. (2004) report a reduction in
this number from 3.0 to 1.9% between 1978 and 2002.
(3) The primary goal of ARMS, which is to develop farm business,
farm sector, and farm household financial data, drives the design of the
sample design (a broad-based and heterogeneous set of farms) and the
form of the questions. Specifically, the changes in livestock and
poultry industries noted above--in which most expenses were borne by
non-farm integrators who provided inputs to contract growers, and who
then removed the mature chickens or hogs from the farm for sale or
processing--created challenges for estimating sectoral expense and
revenue flows.
(4) Section E, Farm Income, 2005 USDA ARMS "core" mail
survey. Complete documentation can be found at http://
www.ers.usda.gov/Data/ARMS/. More detailed cost-and-return and
commodity-specific enumerated surveys are also administered where
enumerators are trained to help respondents distinguish between
production and marketing contracts.
(5) The USDA ARMS cost-and-return and commodity-specific enumerated
surveys ask a number of questions regarding contract attributes (USDA
2006). Within the context of the commodities this survey covers, this is
potentially useful data. Unlike the data reported below, however, it is
contractees rather than contractors, who are sampled. Either respondent
is potentially relevant, depending on the question one is trying to
answer. In some cases, it may even be necessary to collect information
from both populations.
The authors are Associate Professors in the Departments of
Agricultural and Applied Economics, University of Madison-Wisconsin and
the Department of Agricultural and Natural Resource Economics at the
University of California, Berkeley, and Research Scientist in the
Economic Research Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture.
The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not
necessarily reflect the views or polices of the U.S. Department of
Agriculture.
This article was presented in a principal paper session at the AAEA
annual meeting (Portland, OR, July 2007). The articles in these sessions
are not subjected to the journal's standard refereeing process.
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