The Economics of Attention: Style and Substance in the Age of
Information, by Richard A. Lanham. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
2006. 312 pp.
This is a clever, witty, and engaging--if at times
frustrating--book. The central thesis is that in our information age,
made possible by digital technology, the scarce commodity to be
allocated (and thus a matter of economics) is not "stuff,"
broadly defined as what you can kick or the information based on such
stuff (also, stuff). We're drowning in stuff. Instead, it's
attention that's scarce, and allocating attention is a matter of
style, of rhetoric.
That makes sense. What becomes more complicated is Lanham's
further development of distinctions between stuff and nonstuff (called
"fluff," for ease and wit). Those distinctions are not fixed
but can "change places in a wink" (p. 157). The pattern of
thought necessary to pay and draw attention in the digital world is
toggling, oscillating between descriptions of the world and what we
think about the world. Sometimes we look "through": We see
transparently to the substance. Sometimes we look "at": We are
drawn to self-conscious, dramatic style and expression. Sometimes style
is substance and sometimes not. Lanham explains, "ff you are a car
designer, for you the style of the car will be the substance. If you are
a philosopher, 'what you think about things' will be the
'things' of your world" (p. 157). "Revisionist
thinking"--seeing and then seeing again, toggling between
"contending opposites"--is at the heart of creativity and
innovation (p. 254).
In eight chapters, Lanham elaborates on this at/through toggle--a
"rhythm of attention" he says has been overlooked as a figure
of speech; he names it oscillatio (p. xii). He suggests a new theory of
digital expression and notation, discusses changes in the educational
system needed to incorporate such new thinking, and shows how digital
technology fosters new concepts of property. Three of the chapters are
reprints (or versions of earlier work). One, on copyright, is a stretch
in this context, although Lanham ties it in with a headnote. Another,
"The Audit of Virtuality," on how virtual universities provide
a critique of 4-year, campus-based ones, seems dated (it's from
2002) and a bit off track. The other, "What's Next for
Text" (Chapter 3), is more appropriate. These chapters, along with
new ones, do, however, contribute to the sense of this work as an
intellectual memoir of someone who reads widely and well, connects those
readings in unexpected ways, and takes pleasure in a good turn of
phrase.
Toggling is both the substance of the book and, fittingly, its
organizational pattern. Each chapter is divided into two sections: an
opening essay and "Background Conversations" in which Lanham
guides us through his readings. To aid the "ordinary reader,"
he avoids the intrusion of references and prints all notes at the end,
keyed to the text by page number and partial repetition of the passages
cited. Given Lanham's interest in design, it's appropriate,
too, that the book is handsomely designed, within the limits of the
printed page ("an economy of deprival" as opposed to the
screen, which provides an "economics of plenty" [p. 20]), and
uses visuals and typography effectively.
The first chapter, "Stuff and Fluff," sets up the
book's central pairings and economic conceit. It is breathtaking in
its sweep of examples and definitions. One example is tourism, the
"biggest business in the world." As people increasingly
collect consumer goods to express their personalities and collect travel
destinations, those items and locations lose their significance as
stuff. He argues that "tourism, invented to restore our naive
wonder at strange places, destroys them instead" and that
"physicality" doesn't matter where "information has
annihilated distance" (p. 2).
Here's a sample of his redefinitions of key economic concepts
for the attention economy. In a stuff economy, capital is a
"sequestration of current resources for future use" (p. 8), a
bank account or stockpiled inventory in the stuff economy. In the
attention economy, it is the "cultural conversation" (his
"Background Conversations" in each chapter may provide a look
at what he means). It is some "inherited set of adaptive patterns,
of behavioral inclinations" of "the literary and artistic
imagination" (p. 9). Productivity is "theatrical
self-awareness" (p. 10). To get to that definition, he refers to
the Hawthorne Experiment, which showed worker productivity improved when
workers knew they were observed. "When we are observed in our work,
we socialize it. We share it with the observer and by doing so it
becomes more real. Because more real, it becomes more worth attending
to, more interesting. And so you do better work" (p. 10). Excess
profits in a capitalist economy are matched by celebrity, "gross
inequities in attention" in a "winner-take-all" society
(p. 11). Property in the stuff economy can have only one owner.
Moreover, it can be used up when shared, a condition Garrett Hardin
memorably noted in his essay "Tragedy of the Commons." Using
common ground in a village for grazing sheep uses it up. Lanham argues
for a new theory of the "comedy of the commons" created by the
Web. In the digital economy, the commons becomes
an ever-richer community resource. The more people graze on it for
their own purposes, the bigger it becomes.... It thus combines the
power of a free market, where individual gain leads to collective
benefit, with the cooperative ownership of the cultural
conversation. (p. 13)
For universities, traditionally creators and repositories of
knowledge, the shift to an attention economy means that the arts and
letters, which teach how to "attend to the world" (p. 14),
trade places with engineering and sciences as modes of formal inquiry:
"The design of an object ... becomes as important as the
engineering of the object. The 'positioning in the market' of
an object, a version of applied drama, will be as important as either
one" (p. 14). Visual artists are the new economists. For them, the
"locus of art" has become not the object but the response, the
"attention it required" (p. 15). He claims that "design
school, perhaps combined with library school, may be a better
preparation for the felt realities of current business life than the MBA
mills dedicated to the economics of stuff. Or, perhaps even better, a
degree in the history of drama" (p. 19).
In the second chapter, "Economists of Attention," Lanham
provides a toggling history of art, romping through Marcel Duchamp, the
Italian futurists, and pop artists, all of whom needed "an
interpretive Bureaucracy of Attention Economists"--critics and
theorists--to show that the surface was the meaning (p. 50). He dwells
at length on Andy Warhol and Christo. Warhol trades on his celebrity to
build "attention traps," placing common items such as soup
cans in a new attention structure. His art draws inspiration from the
audience, not the muse; is trendy rather than timeless; and aims at
"repetition not rarity" (p. 54). Artists like Warhol
"pursue your twin hungers: for the spotlight and for collecting
stuff, knowing that each needs the other to make it real" (p. 53).
More in the masterpiece tradition of art is the work of Christo and
Jeanne-Claude, who most recently carried out The Gates project in
Central Park, New York. In a long discussion of their Running Fence in
California in 1976, Lanham argues that one purpose of the project was
beauty, but the real art was the human behavior needed to create it,
persuasion through "hearings, lawsuits, rulings, reports ..."
(p. 57); the coordination of the volunteers who did the actual building;
and thus the creation of a participatory drama. Christo is also an
entrepreneur of art who finances his own projects "by reinventing
the joint-stock corporation on a medieval attention model" (p. 61).
The short duration of their projects (The Gates lasted 2 weeks)
reinforces the concept that art is an attention structure rather than a
physical object--fluff, not stuff. Warhol and Christo represent,
according to Lanham, two approaches. Warhol is an opportunist, seeking
money and celebrity, "a creature of the social surface" (p.
63). Christo, on the other hand, is a serious planner, an artistic
entrepreneur, and a "responsible bill payer" (p. 63). Lanham
concludes, "They were both rhetoricians, economists of attention.
Rhetoric has always ... seemed to divide into two parties: those who
created attention structures to form and strengthen social purposes and
those who sought only to serve themselves" (p. 63).
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