Convergence concerns in local television: conflicting views from the newsroom.

Researchers stand to gain substantial insights about convergence (and other critical issues and concerns in journalism) by examining news workers' daily routines. In fact, there exists a significant body of research to demonstrate the many ways in which daily practices in America's newsrooms have an impact on news content. Through such studies it has been learned, for example, how news content is affected by entrenched social structures (Tuchman, 1978), daily deadlines (Shook, Lattimore, & Redmond, 1996), and resource allocation (Gant & Dimmick, 2000; McManus, 1990, 1994). To better understand workers' decisions, perceptions, and their role in the newsroom, Shoemaker and Reese (1996) urged researchers to examine the routines that go with news jobs.

To date, several scholars have examined convergence in relation to news routines and practices. Commonly, however, their studies have focused on individual cases in trend-setting multimedia operations (Huang, Rademakers, Fayemiwo, & Dunlap, 2004; Lawson-Borders, 2003; Singer, 2004). For example, through in-depth interviews and participant observation in three, high profile convergent newsrooms, Lawson-Borders unveiled several ways in which convergence and convergent technologies have had a profound effect on media content and newsroom culture. She describes that impact in extremely broad terms, such as "communication," "commitment," and "competition." Her observations do not describe the daily, lived experience (or grounded reality) of news workers in these organizations--the specific struggles or challenges they face. Although more detailed analyses exist (e.g., Singer), case studies like these, while insightful and useful, do not provide systematic, empirical evidence about convergence that can be generalized to the larger population of newsrooms currently practicing convergence nationwide. This study seeks to change that.

Research Questions and Hypotheses

Without a doubt, pressure is growing on news workers to provide content to multiple media outlets--pressure that builds every day as media cross-ownership and consolidation expand across the country. Media organizations and news consumers are demanding information be made available through multiple media platforms (Brown, 2005). To respond to those demands and succeed in their jobs, news workers must now craft content for their primary news outlet (for example, a television newscast) and produce additional versions of their stories for other media outlets, including the Internet and local radio. But in which specific ways and to what extent are such responsibilities having an impact on the jobs of today's local television journalists? The impact of convergence on news workers' daily routines and job perceptions is the focus of this study. Specifically, the following research questions were developed for the analysis:

[RQ.sub.1]: How do convergence-related tasks affect reporters' and producers' general news routines?

[RQ.sub.2]: How does media convergence affect reporters' and producers' perceptions of their jobs?

Previous research suggests market size might impact convergence activities. As noted earlier, Papper (2005) found top-50 television markets are more likely to dedicate staff to convergent content production. It could be assumed that news workers in larger media markets will feel more positive about convergence because they personally are required to devote less time to convergence-related tasks. Therefore, the authors posed the following hypothesis:

[H.sub.1]: As market size increases, reporters' and producers' perceptions of media convergence become more positive.

Finally, the authors were curious to find out how news workers' views about convergence compare to the opinions of news directors regarding the problems (or challenges) convergence poses in the newsroom. Therefore, one additional research question was posed:

[RQ.sub.3]: How do news workers' opinions about convergence compare to the opinions of news directors (as cited in previous research)?

Method

To answer these questions, researchers conducted a nationwide survey of local television news reporters and producers. Because no sample frame exists for local television news workers, one was constructed for the study. This was a lengthy, three-step process. It took more than 6 months to develop the final sample frame and achieve an acceptable response rate.

The process began with a stratified random sample of small and medium television markets. The authors excluded top-50 media markets from the analysis because research shows news workers in these markets are less likely to personally perform convergence duties (Papper, 2005). Remaining media markets were divided into three subgroups based on Nielsen-defined DMAs: 51-100, 101-150, and 151-210. Twenty markets from each stratum were randomly selected. Then, using a recent edition of the NATPE Guide to North American Media (NAPTE Guide to North American Media, 2004), NBC, ABC, CBS, and FOX affiliates within each market were identified. Only network affiliates were included because these stations are more likely to produce local news than are nonaffiliated stations.

Calls were made to each television station to procure a list of reporters and producers who worked in the newsroom on weekdays, contacting 238 television stations in 60 media markets across the United States. Of those, 185 were found to produce television newscasts. The names of 1618 producers and reporters were obtained and included in the original sample frame. Researchers mailed letters to each person requesting his or her participation in a Web-based survey. Postcard reminders were sent out 2 weeks later.

The initial response rate was lower than anticipated. A review of the data showed zero responses from workers in 14 different media markets. Authors theorized this might be because of the possibility that no convergent activities were taking place in these markets (so workers chose not to answer survey requests). Calls were made directly to the assignments desk at stations in these markets to determine whether that was, in fact, the case. If no convergence was taking place, names of workers from those stations were removed from the original list. If convergence was taking place, researchers asked the stations' assignments editor (or in some cases, a news manager) to contact all reporters and producers and remind them about the survey deadline. The revised sample frame consisted of 1492 names.

Ultimately, 302 respondents participated in the study--a 20% response rate. This rate falls at the higher end of the 1-30% rates commonly achieved through Internet surveys in mass communication research (Wimmer & Dominick, 2006, p. 205). Authors address the response rate, issues regarding the sample's representativeness and generalizeability, and the advantages/disadvantages of Web-based surveys in greater detail in the Discussion section.

Measures

After logging onto the survey Web site, respondents were first given a definition of convergence and asked whether the station they worked for was involved in any convergent activities. For this study, convergence was broadly defined as "any kind of news partnership, alliance and/or collaboration with print, broadcast (TV or radio) or online news outlets. This includes your station's Web site." If their station was not involved in any exchange of media content--meaning they, personally, did not participate in any convergent activity--they were automatically "skipped" to the end of the survey instrument to answer questions about themselves and the stations they worked for. If respondents' stations were involved in any kind of convergent activity, they continued on with the survey.

Although previous studies have assessed the opinions of news managers and journalism professors about the subject of convergence, this survey measures the opinions of reporters and producers. As such, it borrows from and adds to the work of previous researchers. Using some elements of Papper's 2005 study and a list of convergent-related tasks employed by Tanner and Duhe, respondents made note of specific convergent activities that directly affected their daily news routines. In order to directly compare the responses of news workers with news managers, respondents were also asked to rate their station's overall experience with convergence.

Additionally, a battery of questions was included to ascertain how convergent activities affect news workers' own personal work habits as well as their perceptions about the habits of their peers. Researchers asked, for example, how much time they devoted to convergent activities per day, which specific challenges they faced in producing convergent content, how they would rate their personal experiences with media convergence, and whether they believed convergence activities interfered with the quality of their local television news content. To clarify, the researchers only measured perceptions about the impact of convergence on quality versus measuring the actual quality of content.

Finally, respondents provided pertinent station and demographic information. They were asked to identify their station's affiliate status (ABC, CBS, etc.), market size, how many hours of local news programming their station typically broadcast each weekday, and details about station ownership (such as whether their station was locally or group-owned and whether the station was part of an LMA or a Duopoly). Respondents were also asked to list their job title, gender, age, race/ethnicity, and category of income.

Data Analysis