Another relatively easy way Congress can foster compliance and help
close the tax gap is to reduce the Code's complexity. (84)
Complexity is problematic for taxpayers and the Service alike.
Complexity frustrates even the most civic-minded taxpayers, who wish to
be compliant but, when faced with page after page of instructions and
intricate schedules (particularly with respect to the alternative
minimum tax), throw up their hands in disgust and resentment. The staff
at the Service, too, is not immune to the problems of complexity: it
must train longer and harder to understand the Code and the complexity
itself often enables taxpayers to cloak illegitimate transactions with
an aura of legitimacy. (85) It is beyond the scope of this analysis to
detail all the Code simplification measures Congress should consider,
but some of the nation's foremost tax scholars have already offered
numerous worthwhile suggestions. (86) A perusal of these suggestions
makes one thing clear: as a general matter, much of the Code's
complexity would fall by the wayside if Congress did not use the Code to
advance social agendas or surreptitiously disguise spending programs.
Finally, helpful as these reforms might be, the tax gap will be
greatly narrowed only if Congress addresses one of its root causes,
namely, the underground cash economy. Because cash transactions fall
below the Service detection apparatus, they are the single largest
contributor to overall tax noncompliance. (87)
Why is cash a critical lubricant of the underground economy? One
reason is that the use of cash leaves no paper or electronic trail.
Another is that cash presents parties with a mutual opportunity.
Consider the fact that many sellers of products and services often offer
two prices: the regular price and a discounted cash price. These sellers
enthusiastically accept cash because they are then strategically placed
in a position where they can readily commit fraud or, as they like to
rationalize, do what everyone else does (i.e., not report their cash
receipts). For obvious reasons, buyers relish discounted cash prices and
seem unperturbed by the fraud they abet.
Surprisingly, in this advanced age of electronic commerce,
old-fashioned cash usage remains disturbingly ubiquitous. We all know,
for example, friends, neighbors, and other "upright" members
of the community who, when it comes to remodeling their homes, literally
deliver suitcases filled with $50 bills to their general contractors.
Their remodeled homes look beautiful, but it goes without saying that
Uncle Sam will not find a single one adorned with a welcome mat. The pas
de deux between sellers and cash-paying buyers works well for both, but
it obviously leaves the government to stand alone as a wallflower.
Aside from the government, unreported cash transactions are also
grossly unfair to those taxpayers who receive wages, interest, and
dividends in the form of checks or electronic transfers or who make
noncash payments for their goods and services. These modes of receipt
generate the issuance of Form W-2s and 1099s--dissuasive factors against
taxpayer noncompliance--and noncash payments are not afforded price
discounts. The National Taxpayer Advocate has put a dollar figure on
this inequity: on average, she estimates that it costs every compliant
taxpayer an extra $2000 a year to account for the revenue shortfall
brought about by noncompliant taxpayers. (88)
In making their purchases, what if buyers were induced or required
to use noncash alternatives? The underground economy would quickly rise
to the surface. The Service could then perform its traditional
enforcement role for transactions now plainly within its sight. The
resulting revenue flow could be used to shrink the deficit, expand
services, and institute tax reductions.
To promote alternative modes of payment and to discourage the use
of cash, Congress should prohibit buyers from using cash in transactions
over $500. Violators of this limited cash rule would be subject to
fines, and repeat offenders would be required to perform community
service. To make this proposal politically feasible, the quid pro quo
for curtailing cash transactions would be a revenue-neutral
across-the-board 10% tax reduction, to be offset by the tax revenue
generated on the newly transparent underground economy.
If the notion of doing away with or curbing cash seems drastic, so
too in the minds of many Americans is the thought of raising taxes, a
near certainty if the tax gap is not narrowed. Congress can safeguard
the nation's coffers and remove inequities by reconsidering the
role of cash in the nation's economy, evaluating its shortcomings,
and setting boundaries on its usage.
V. CONCLUSION
Consider for a moment the implications were Congress to eliminate
the requirement that third parties issue information returns. On the one
hand, employers, banks, and brokerage firms might applaud this change as
it would relieve them from the burden of having to expend time, money,
and energy collecting, processing, and distributing this information to
taxpayers and the government. On the other hand, if existing studies
accurately depict what happens in the absence of information return
issuance, taxpayer compliance would probably hover around 50%, seriously
jeopardizing the Code's administration. (89) A necessary by-product
of rampant taxpayer noncompliance is that the federal government and
many state governments would have to slash their budgets, run deficits,
raise their taxes, or institute a combination of the foregoing. This
outcome would be neither economically stable nor politically tolerable.
Notwithstanding the draconian outcome were information return
issuance eliminated, Congress cannot be overzealous in its information
return expansion endeavors. As previously indicated, the issuance of
such returns is not a cost-free endeavor. Certainly, the burdens
associated with compliance have to be carefully weighed against the
benefits they produce. In many cases, particularly in light of
technological changes, the putative benefits far outweigh the putative
costs--these are the areas in which Congress should focus its expansion
efforts.
In the end, no one should sell short the importance of information
returns. Information return expansion, along with the institution of
other reforms, can enable the government to make great strides in its
goal to close the tax gap. If Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes is correct
and "taxes are what we pay for civilized society," (90) the
issuance of information returns represents a welcome bridge to help
deliver us out of our state of savagery. Fortunately, technology now
affords Congress the opportunity to add an extra lane or two to the
existing bridge.
Jay A. Soled*
* Jay A. Soled is a professor at the Rutgers University School of
Business.
(1) See I.R.S News Release IR-2006-28 (Feb. 14, 2006) (IRS Study
Updates Tax Gap Estimates) (finding that for nonfarm individual
proprietor income for which there is no third-party reporting, the
misreporting rate was 57%, whereas for wages, salaries, and tips for
which there is third-party reporting, the misreporting rate was 1%); see
also Tax Compliance: Multiple Approaches Are Needed to Reduce the Tax
Gap: Testimony Before the U.S. S. Comm. on the Budget, 110th Cong. (Jan.
23, 2007) [hereinafter Tax Gap Testimony] (statement of Michael Brostek,
Director, Tax Issues Strategic Issues Team, asserting that withholding
and information returns are particularly powerful tools to reduce the
tax gap); JON BAKIJA & JOEL SLEMROD, TAXING OURSELVES: A
CITIZEN'S GUIDE TO THE DEBATE OVER TAXES 178 (3d ed. 2004)
(describing a study showing a 99.1% compliance rate for wages and
salaries and an 18.6% compliance rate for informal suppliers (e.g.,
sidewalk vendors and housepainters)).
(2) The Internal Revenue Service (Service) estimates that the tax
gap for 2001, the latest year in which such an analysis was conducted,
was $290 billion. I.R.S News Release IR-2006-28, supra note 1.
(3) See I.R.C. [section][section] 6051-6053 (listing over
twenty-five instances that require the issuance of third-party
information returns).
(4) See, e.g., Austan D. Goolsbee, Why Tell the IRS What It Already
Knows, N.Y. TIMES, Apr. 6, 2006, at 25A. The article reports:
With a small adjustment in processing procedures, the revenue service
could send you a tax form already filled out with the information it
has for you--a Simple Return--rather than a blank tax form. You would
simply check the numbers against your W-2 and 1099 and then sign it.
Id.
(5) Matthew Grocki et al., Offshore Outsourcing of Tax-Return
Preparation: Promising Business Opportunities and Professional
Standards, 75 CPA J. 54 (June 2005); Jay A. Soled, Outsourcing Tax
Return Preparation and Its Implications, 75 CPA J. 14, 14-15 (Mar.
2005).
(6) See JOINT COMM. ON TAXATION, 97TH CONG., GENERAL EXPLANATION OF
THE REVENUE PROVISIONS OF THE TAX EQUITY AND FISCAL RESPONSIBILITY ACT
OF 1982 (Comm. Print 1982). For legislative background, see H.R. 4961,
97th Cong. [section] 313 (as reported by the Senate Finance Committee);
S. REP. No. 97-494, vol. 1, at 245-46 (1982); H.R. REP. NO. 97-760, at
565 (1982) (Conf. Rep.).
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