A moderating influence.
by Mooneyham, Scott
Every four years, North Carolina Republicans talk about ending the
Democrats' stranglehold on political power in the state. And every
four years, Democrats usually beat them back. The Democrats'
success, at least since the 1970s, has come in part by their embracing
the role of pro-business moderates. Doing so, Democrats running for
governor and other statewide offices have been able to harvest the
state's most fertile source of campaign money--wealthy business
executives and business-related political-action committees--leaving the
Republican candidates digging for scraps.
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Will 2008 be any different? Gary Pearce doesn't think so. He
might be a little biased. He's a Democratic political consultant
whose clients included former Gov. Jim Hunt and then-U.S. Senate
candidate John Edwards. Pearce calls it "cracking the code,"
and he doesn't see even hairline fractures right now. "I think
the Democrats' hold is getting stronger and stronger."
His reasoning might surprise you. Pearce believes the influx of
highly educated, moderate Republican voters is helping moderate
Democratic candidates, not hurting them. Transplants moving to
Charlotte, the Triad and Triangle to work in banking, communications and
high-tech industries care about pocketbook issues and public education.
In addition to wrapping themselves in the pro-business blanket,
Democrats running for statewide office have made these issues their own.
At the same time, the Republicans' anti-tax, anti-regulation
message--successful in presidential and congressional races--hasn't
had the same resonance on the state level.
Of course, Pearce is painting with some broad strokes. The details
are a bit more complicated. For one thing, Democratic success
hasn't been complete. Republicans Jim Holshouser and Jim Martin won
terms as governor (two for Martin) in the 1970s and 1980s. The GOP also
gained a majority in the state House for four years beginning in 1994.
Today, Republicans hold three of the 10 elected executive-branch
offices--agriculture secretary, labor secretary and state auditor. Also,
more often than not, campaign money from business interests flows to
those in power. If business is good, why wouldn't it? Big business,
in particular, craves stability and frets about the unknown. It becomes
a supporter of the status quo. In North Carolina, status quo means
Democrat.
Still, Republicans cracked the code elsewhere in the South, taking
up residence in governors mansions while gaining and holding statehouse
majorities. Why there and not here? Republican politicians'
lukewarm support for public schools, in a state whose electorate has a
long history of supporting public education, may be part of the answer.
GOP activists who have tended to pull their candidates away from the
center--while Democrats like Hunt, current Gov. Mike Easley and
legislative leaders stayed anchored in the middle--may be another
explanation.
With another election looming, Republican candidates will again try
to solve the riddle. Charlotte Mayor Pat McCrory may be best positioned
to do so. Coming to the governor's race from the hive of business
activity that is the Queen City, he ought to be able to tap a deep
reservoir of business money. The seven-term mayor enjoys a
characteristic important to big business donors--he's a known,
steady commodity. With his moderate record, McCrory should have appeal
among Piedmont suburbanites as well as retirees living along the coast.
Then again, Richard Vinroot, a former Charlotte mayor, had much the
same going for him when he took on Easley in the 2000 governor's
race. He lost by 6 percentage points. McCrory also could struggle to get
out of a crowded GOP primary in which many voters stand ideologically to
his right. Polls indicate that state Sen. Fred Smith, a Johnston County
developer, is likely to be his toughest competitor. Salisbury lawyer
Bill Graham and former state Supreme Court Justice Bob Orr also are
fighting for the nomination. Both Smith and Graham have poured more than
$1 million of their own wealth into their campaigns and probably will
put in even more.
You'd think that a homebuilder like Smith might attract money
and support from the business crowd. He has pulled in donations from
fellow homebuilders and the like, but his fundraising through December
shows him woefully behind the two main Democratic candidates--Lt. Gov.
Beverly Perdue and State Treasurer Richard Moore.
Perdue had taken in nearly 10 times more than Smith from
political-action committees, most of them business-related. Moore
continues to tap financial-services execs for campaign cash. Both
Democrats had around $4.6 million to spend at the beginning of January,
better than four times Smith's available money, despite a $1.5
million loan to his campaign.
Forget about the polls. Given those early returns--the kind that
can be counted in dollars and cents--that's reason enough to think
that Republicans are still a long way from cracking the code.
Scott Mooneyham is editor of The Insider, www.ncinsider.com. E-mail
him at mooneyham@businessnc.com.
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