China's plans to create a new civil aviation company in the
first quarter of 2008 could signify much more than prospective
competition in the regional jetliner class. The shift is emblematic of
an evolving mindset in China's defense industry--one with
far-reaching consequences.
Huang Qiang, secretary-general of China's commission on
science, technology and industry for national defense, confirmed rumors
in January that the nation would create a new aviation company before
March.
In 1999, five bulky state-owned administrative entities of the
domestic defense industry were reorganized into 10 major
military-industrial groups, two of which have since seen success as
Aviation Industry of China (AVIC) I and AVIC II. Working together, the
two groups are responsible for the design of the advanced regional jet
of the 21st century (ARJ-21), China's first indigenously produced
civilian jetliner.
With passenger, executive and freight versions, the ARJ-21 was
designed from the ground up with the needs of the Chinese regional
aviation market in mind. Despite its homegrown design, however, some 50
percent of its components are foreign made. While the ARJ-21 is probably
not destined for major sales in the U.S. market, certification will be
sought from the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration, a process that
will provide Beijing with much insight into standards and procedures of
the U.S. aviation industry.
Focusing on larger civilian aircraft, the new Chinese company--to
be named AVIC III--will represent the next milestone in the shaping of
China's aircraft manufacturing sector, even as it results in
infighting for resources among the three groups. Ultimately,
AVIC-produced civilian aircraft--and military variants--could well find
a market among countries that cannot afford state-of-the-art Western
technology.
Reform in China's aircraft manufacturing sector is part of a
larger shift in mindset from Soviet defense industrial thinking to more
Western models in which the crossover between military and civilian
technological applications is recognized and exploited. In April 2005,
testifying before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review
Commission, a senior fellow in trade and productivity at Manufacturers
Alliance/MAPI Inc. said the Chinese defense industry went through
"a fundamental restructuring" from 1997 to 1999 that shifted
control of defense enterprises from the military to the civilian
government.
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The move "integrated their operations with commercial advanced
technology enterprises, including competitive bidding for defense
contracts," said Ernest H. Preeg, who had been executive director
of the Economic Policy Group at the White House before his MAPI
fellowship. "In effect, China shifted from the discredited Soviet
model toward the U.S. model for weapons development and
production."
The full course of this transition--by no means a simple
one--remains to be seen. Nevertheless, recent developments with the
ARJ-21 and AVIC III are starting to show the potential for more
significant progress and the maturation of organizational changes begun
in the late 1990s.
Production of the ARJ-21 regional jet and an agreement with Airbus
to produce similarly sized A319/320 airframes in China are two ways
Beijing is trying to address the massive expansion of domestic air
travel and leverage that expansion for high-end domestic production. In
line with that expansion, China's civilian radars and
air-traffic-control systems will have to keep up.
The country's airspace traditionally has been shaped by
military demands, with civilian access and mutes a secondary priority.
Civil aviation currently has access to less than a third of all Chinese
airspace. The People's Liberation Army (PLA) is reportedly the
ultimate decision-maker regarding domestic air routes, an issue that
still must play itself out.
But while the pace of China's domestic aviation expansion
might make for a steep learning curve and some points of friction with
the PLA, the management of heavier and heavier volumes of air traffic
will also begin to inform and alter China's management of military
air operations. Meanwhile, the Chinese radar industry is proceeding
apace, and the avionics industry appears to have avoided some of the
more counterproductive pitfalls of Soviet-style industry that have
ensnared other sectors of Chinese industry.
The problem with the Soviet model was that military developments
were closely guarded and, for the most part, segregated from civilian
production, which was a secondary priority for the Soviet economy.
Indeed, the entire economy was structured so that the Red Army was the
primary privileged beneficiary. Efficiencies were not always encouraged,
and the benefits of research and development, hindered by Stalinist
classified systems, could not be applied to civilian projects.
Not only did the rollover ideas go unrecognized but they were
rarely strong enough in the first place to overcome the Soviet culture
of secrecy. The 1950s and '60s in the United States, on the other
hand, were rife with the benefits of pooling civilian and military
research and development in the aerospace sector. It was that very
crossover that eventually made not only world-class airliners possible
but also things like Iridium phones and satellite television.
Understanding how the lessons of one realm can be applicable to
another offers Beijing a valuable avenue to further both civilian and
military aerospace development. While managing crowded airspace over
Beijing is certainly different from military command, communication and
coordination in combat operations, such experience could be an important
stepping stone for a China that is now talking extensively about
"informationalization" (its word for network-centric warfare)
in its national defense strategy documents.
The PLA has certainly studied the military developments of the last
two decades. Seminal moments like the coordination of the U.S. air
campaign during Desert Storm were wake-up calls for Beijing to modernize
its military. At the same time, the increasingly global lines of
communication that sustain the Chinese economy concurrently began to
extend beyond the PLA's ability to project force. As China moved
into the 21st century, its military was intent upon following and
integrating the teachings of Western military powers.
From developing the FC-1/JF-17 fighter jet, which is equipped with
a Russian engine, to bringing the new J-10 fighter on line, equipped
with a domestic engine, China has already refined its domestic military
aviation industry. Reduced engine noise levels and increased fuel
efficiency are necessary to compete with Western airframes such as
Bombardier, Boeing and Airbus. But these issues are not always among the
top priorities in military designs. However, the ability to design and
produce indigenously two fighter aircraft possibly equivalent to early
F-16s is noteworthy.
The ARJ-21, a regional-scale stepping stone to larger aircraft, is
not confined to the civilian sector. Both the regional jet and a
potential wide-body airliner could one day offer great potential for the
People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF). This will be the case
for at least a decade, even though Boeing and Airbus have yet to
acknowledge the trajectory of the Chinese aerospace industry and where
it might be by 2020.
Most modern air forces are made up of big and slow transport
aircraft, rather than sleek fighter planes. Should a wide-body design
pan out in a decade, China could start replacing its old Soviet
transports with modified civilian airframes optimized for everything
from airborne command-and-control and early warning to aerial refueling
and palletized cargo transport. It has already begun doing this with
smaller prop-driven aircraft.
The development of new transports would allow the PLAAF to become
less dependent on foreign suppliers, and would also speed up its
modernization.
Combine these trends with the mass-production experience and
capacity of China and it becomes clear that the country will be playing
a prominent role in the world arms market with larger and more complex
weapons systems. In this regard, China will likely follow South Korea,
which is perhaps the next burgeoning military-industrial powerhouse.
South Korea's combination of industrial capacity, research and
development and technological innovation have already positioned Seoul
to take a leading position in the world's arms market over the next
decade.
Chinese quality is unlikely to capture the top end of the market.
An affordable Chinese airborne early warning platform might sell well in
the mid-range markets that could not otherwise afford one. A low-cost
Chinese tanker could make that capability accessible to militaries that
cannot afford to buy from Boeing or Airbus.
Chinese anti-ship missiles have already found their way via Iran to
Hezbollah. Play that trend through and the strategic and industrial
implications of the PLA's continued modernization are certainly
worthy of note. Indeed, the military utility and export potential of
domestically produced regional and longer-range civilian jets are only
the beginning. It remains to be seen whether China can adopt a more open
and innovative approach to military research and development,
Nate Hughes is a military analyst at Strategic Forecasting Inc.
(Stratfor), a private intelligence company based in Austin, Texas.
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