China is creating a new $200-billion to $300-billion
"sovereign wealth fund" to diversify its foreign holdings away
from U.S.-dollar denominated debt securities and to make large-scale
equity investments in companies overseas. The money will come from the
more than $1.2 trillion the country currently holds in reserves, with at
least another $400 billion expected to be added to that stockpile this
year. China's reserves are said to be growing by about $10 billion
per week. By 2010, China could be sitting on $3 trillion in foreign
assets. The shift of wealth to China and U.S. indebtedness are growing
in unison--and at an accelerating rate.
China has made its first investment from the fund: a $3-billion
non-voting investment in the Blackstone Group.
China's decision to diversify its vast holdings through the
so-called China Foreign Exchange Investment Co. will provide a fresh
supply of cash for the purchase of foreign assets instead of U.S. debt
securities, which currently account for 99.9 percent of China's
holdings. But diversifying its portfolio, especially if it does so with
centralized government control aimed at manipulating industrial markets,
would raise political flags throughout the world.
"China no longer needs to hold most of its external assets in
safe, liquid securities," says Brad Setser, a research associate at
the Global Economic Governance Program at the University College in
Oxford. "China is integrating with the world economy before
China's internal corporate governance has fully converged with
global norms."
Most of what China will do with its sovereign wealth fund will be
heavily scrutinized, but it should not be feared, says David Marchick, a
partner with Covington & Burling in Washington, D.C. "While
important policy questions are triggered by the creation of this fund,
particularly given its potential size, the United States should not
react negatively to the move by China," Marchick wrote in prepared
testimony presented to a May hearing of the U.S.-China Economic and
Security Review Commission. "Such sovereign wealth funds have
become commonplace in recent years."
Three panelists describing the fund to the U.S.-China Commission
agreed with that assessment.
Other countries with similar funds include Norway ($300 billion),
Singapore ($300 billion), Kuwait ($200 billion) and Abu Dhabi ($500
billion to $600 billion). Korea, United Arab Emirates, Brunei, Malaysia,
Taiwan, Canada and Chile also have sovereign investment funds. Alaska
and Wyoming have funds that invest state revenues in private equities.
The Ontario Teachers' Pension Fund invests 24 percent of its
portfolio abroad. The Alabama state pension fund had a controlling
ownership interest in U.S. Airways from 2002 to 2005. The Canadian
Pension Plan has heavily invested in foreign firms including Serta,
Nielsen and Univision, among others, says Marchick.
"Far from a cause for alarm, sovereign wealth funds such as
China's proposed fund are part of a recent and growing trend by
central banks and state pension fund managers to add the goal of
increasing returns to the longstanding goals of solvency and
liquidity," says Marchick. "The manager of China's new
fund recently said that they intend to take small stakes in a number of
publicly traded entities as opposed to controlling stakes or
acquisitions of Chinese and foreign companies."
But the fund could grow to be much, much larger, says Setser. With
the addition of $1.5 trillion in foreign holdings between now and 2010,
China will have $3 trillion sloshing about. "A world where China
creates a $1.5-trillion investment fund rather than adds $1.5 trillion
to its reserves over the next few years isn't hard to
envision," says Setser. Even a more modest forecast of China adding
equal sums to its reserves and investment fund would generate $900
billion for equity investments by 2010, making it the world's
largest equity fund. "Relative to a scenario where China invests
only in bonds, a scenario where China invests primarily in equities
might push U.S. interest rates up by as much as 50 basis points,"
he says.
With such large amounts of money available for equity investment,
"two key policy issues arise," says Marchick: "First,
will the fund be professionally run by independent financial and
investment experts, or will the investments be made to advance
industrial policy, political or foreign policy objectives? More
specifically, will investment decisions be made according to financial
criteria, or are they being used as instruments to extend state policy?
Second, will investments by the fund in the United States raise any
national security issues?"
It's hard to answer these questions now, but in all
likelihood, the fund will be a good thing for China and the United
States, Marchick argues. For China, it could help spur economic reform
and integrate it into the global economy. "A U.S. policy that
encourages investment by American companies in China while frowning upon
Chinese investments in the United States is neither sustainable nor
sound from an economic perspective," he says. "Rather, the
United States should simultaneously encourage China to allow FDI and
make clear that Chinese investment in the United States is not only
welcome but encouraged. Greater FDI from China would bring substantial
economic benefits to the U.S. economy, just as investment from other
countries already does. Chinese investment in the United States will
create jobs, promote research and development in the United States and
enhance U.S. exports to China, including through intra-company
trade."
China's new overseas investment company managers could help
the country's leading manufacturing firms gain strategic footholds
in foreign markets, says Daniel Rosen from the Peterson Institute for
International Economics. "I expect there to be a dramatic increase
in offers from Chinese firms to purchase stakes in U.S. firms in the
future," he says. "In large part, this is for the same reason
there has been and will be a dramatic increase in U.S. purchases of
stakes in Chinese firms including in strategic Chinese industries such
as finance and mining machinery. Our economies are becoming more
integrated and in the process there are only two options for
establishing a business platform from which to sell to a new market:
build it or buy it. In the case of China, there is a special urgency to
buy it."
China has exceptionally good skills in manufacturing, but little in
distribution, retail and high-end services. As manufacturing margins
shrink, the country's leading exporters "absolutely must
expand their businesses downstream from the factory," says Rosen.
"And yet, they have little experience operating in a heavily
regulated, customer-oriented marketplace such as the U.S. To build
retail operations from scratch will require decades; acquisition is the
logical and quicker alternative. Typically, the business capabilities
global Chinese companies attempt to acquire in this regard will be
mundane."
China will have to improve its public relations operations if it
decides to move aggressively into the U.S. market for equity stakes in
U.S. businesses. "They will need to demonstrate their commitment to
creating jobs, complying with U.S. laws and regulations, working
collaboratively with organized labor and being good employers,"
said Marchick. "They will need to become involved in their
communities in the same way that the best American and foreign companies
do. Indeed, the initial U.S. experiences with Chinese investment have
been positive."
The Chinese owners of Lenovo, IBM's former personal computer
division, have proven themselves worthy by increasing purchases of
American software for sale in China. South Carolina Governor Mark
Sanford has spoken favorably about Chinese investments in appliance
manufacturer Haier. South Carolina intends to open an economic
development office in China seeking investment in the state.
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