WOLCHOVER AND HEATON-ARMSTRONG ON CONFESSION EVIDENCE. By David
Wolchover and Anthony Heaton-Armstrong. London, England: Sweet and
Maxwell, 1996. Pp. ii, 734.99 [pounds sterling].
The authors of Wolchover and Heaton-Armstrong on Confession
Evidence(1) (hereinafter On Confession Evidence) are barristers (counsel
who are admitted to the bar and allowed to litigate in superior courts),
affiliated with Grays Inn in London. That they are practicing barristers
who, as is customary in England, both prosecute and defend in criminal
cases, informs much of this excellent treatise. For example, the book
contains a detailed analysis of the substantive arguments regarding
abolition of the right to silence. One of the assumptions of those
favoring abolition is that innocent people will deny accusations against
them. As the authors point out, however, this "axiom assumes that
the generality of mankind is by nature vocal."(2) They go on to
note that "it tends to be forgotten that many people nevertheless
remain timorous and tongue-tied, particularly in the presence of
authority figures,"(3) and they conclude that "experience
shows that most people are sufficiently intimidated by the `inherently
coercive' nature of custodial interrogation that they will give
answers despite the traditional caution and against their preferred
inclination."(4) This is not to suggest that the authors are
biased. Rather, they are scrupulous in presenting all sides of an issue,
although it seems clear that they do not favor the recent Changes in
English law curtailing the right to silence.
The book is not a spare practitioner's guide or nutshell. As
the authors acknowledge in their introduction, they were torn between
producing "a quick reference handbook" or "an exhaustive
treatise."(5) While leaning in the direction of the exhaustive
treatise approach, their end-product is a nice compromise that
incorporates the best aspects of both extremes. As a result, there is
something for everyone in this lengthy, informative, elegantly written
and analytical tractate on the law of confessions in English criminal
law. This is also a book that will not soon be out of date. The authors
plan to supplement it as needed. Indeed, I have seen a draft of the
first supplement, which was issued in March 1997, and it is a
continuation of the fine scholarship found in the basic text.(6)
The book is not entirely new. The authors relied on an earlier work
by Peter Mirfield,(7) which had become outdated, and a 1985 treatise by
co-author David Wolchover entitled The Exclusion of Improperly Obtained
Evidence.(8) Although there is a fair amount of historical material in
On Confession Evidence, this background information will be most helpful
to those with at least a basic knowledge of English history and law.
There are casual references to the reigns of various monarchs and
English judges that will have special meaning only for English lawyers.
The language is of course English, but it is English English, not its
American counterpart, and the British version does take some practice.
For example, in describing the predecessor Mirfield book, the authors
note that it is "getting rather long in the tooth,"(9) rather
than using my more pedestrian description of it as outdated. There is
also a generous sprinkling of "whilsts" which gives one only
slight pause. The writing is also quite dense and demands the
reader's full attention. Whatever impediments these factors may
present, it is well worth the effort.
The book has of course a detailed table of contents, a table of
cases and statutes, mostly English, and a very good index. It only has
five chapters, but they are long and subdivided by sections, and
extensively footnoted with articles, both legal and nonlegal, cases,
empirical studies, and statutes. At the start of each chapter, there is
a list of the issues dealt with and the section numbers in which they
appear. References are only to the section numbers, not pages, which
makes it a bit more difficult to flip to the desired material.
Chapter 1 is entitled "The Nature and Character of
Confessions," and it examines the need for confessions, their
sufficiency, denials, the different types of confessions, and the
empirical and psychological aspects of interrogation and confession,
including the problem of false confessions. The succeeding chapters are
arranged in chronological order paralleling the steps in the criminal
justice process. Chapter 2, "The Obtaining of Confessions:
Interrogation and the Regulation of Questioning," contains an
informative historical synopsis of the English law of interrogation and
goes on to set forth the modern rules and statutes governing the
interrogation process. The chapter analyzes such issues as detention and
treatment conditions, vulnerable suspects, incommunicado interrogation
and cut-off questioning, the right of access to free legal advice, and
special statutory grants of power to conduct inquisitorial
investigations in select areas such as bankruptcy and serious or complex
frauds. The title of Chapter 3 is "Proving Confessions," which
deals with the old and modern methods of establishing a defendant's
statement such as audio and video recordings, and the more difficult
question of how to disprove the giving of a confession. American readers
will be very comfortable with Chapter 4, "The Exclusion of Coerced
and Improperly Obtained Confessions," even though there is not any
systematic consideration or comparison with the American law of
confessions. As the authors explain, space limitations precluded a
thorough exposition,(10) although some cases from common law countries
are cited and explained.
Chapter 5, the final chapter and also the most interesting, is
entitled "The Evidential Significance of the Suspect's
Silence." The chapter treats silence before and at trial, and is an
analysis both of common law principles and modern rules and
statutes.(11) There have been recent changes in this area in England,
which will not go unnoticed on this side of the Atlantic,(12) and which
will indeed provide support for the view of some American commentators
that the right to silence embedded in the privilege against
self-incrimination(13) should be abandoned or at least modified.(14)
In the United States such a change would presumably require a
constitutional amendment, or at least a radically different
interpretation of the Fifth Amendment by the United States Supreme
Court.(15) England, however, has a parliamentary system of government
that permits such changes by statute and without any recourse to the
courts.(16) In 1994 England passed the Criminal Justice and Public Order
Act.(17) Part III of the Act allows courts and jurors to draw adverse
inferences when defendants fail to protest their innocence to the police
or do not mention exculpating facts to them that the defendants
subsequently rely on at trial, if under all the circumstances a person
would be expected to mention those facts.(18) Similarly, adverse
inferences are permissible in the case of suspects who fail to respond
to police questions about suspicious objects, substances, or marks on
their person or clothing or place where they are arrested;(19) or if
they do not explain to the police why they were present at a place
around the time of the crime;(20) or if they fail to testify on their
own behalves at trial.(21) Even though the law does not make refusal to
testify a criminal offense, which would be a total abolition of the
privilege, the 1994 legislation nonetheless represents a sea change in
English law(22) As the authors note, "Any suggestion that the
suspect's obligation to notify the police of the bones of his
defence on peril otherwise of invoking or increasing suspicion against
himself falls short of being equivalent to the imposition of a duty to
prove his innocence is nothing more than a semantic exercise."(23)
At the very least, restricting the privilege against sell incrimination
facilitates an inquisitorial system of justice.(24) Proponents of the
change argue that it is human nature to protest one's innocence and
the jury is only being told what they already instinctively know--that
silence in the face of accusation is evidence of guilt.(25)
In some sense of course, that is true. Although on this side of the
Atlantic we do not allow prosecutors or judges to comment adversely on a
defendant's failure to testify,(26) as any criminal defense
attorney will tell you, if defendants do not take the stand and deny
guilt, they are more likely to be convicted,(27) O.J. Simpson
notwithstanding. At the same time, we heavily penalize many of those
defendants who do elect to testify on their own behalves. Once
defendants take the stand, we generally permit their credibility to be
impeached by evidence of prior criminal convictions, which also makes
guilty verdicts more likely.(28) Furthermore, defendants who testify may
be impeached by confessions elicited during custodial interrogation
without the proper Miranda(29) warnings,(30) as well as by confessions
secured after invocation of the right to counsel.(31) Although the
United States Supreme Court has prohibited the use of postwarning
silence for impeachment purposes,(32) an unwarned arrestee's
silence can be used for impeachment,(33) as can a defendant's
prearrest silence.(34)
COPYRIGHT 1997 Houston Journal of International
Law Reproduced with permission of the copyright holder. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission.
Copyright 1997, Gale Group. All rights
reserved. Gale Group is a Thomson Corporation Company.
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