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Weekly UpdatesArguments for and against the applicability of Belk's (1984) materialism scale across various cultures abound (e.g., Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988; Ger and Belk, 1990; Dawson and Bamossy, 1991; Mehta and Belk, 1991). It is beyond the scope of this article to elaborate on this line of debate; strong arguments are made on both sides. Gross-cultural application of acculturation measurements (as discussed above) have seen greater acceptance (e.g., Lessenger, 1997). For the proposed study, I suggest qualitative interview methods (O'Guinn and Faber, 1989; Thompson et al., 1989) to complement the scales, to enrich the findings, and to further assess the applicability of the scales cross-culturally.
Longitudinal studies such as the one proposed here offer many advantages and some precautions in analysis. Perhaps the best known longitudinal cross-cultural research is Hofstede's (1980) investigation of 40 countries over two time periods (1967-1969 and 1971-1973). While this initial study is somewhat dated, the author's discussion of causes for differences in values among respondents over time warrants review in any longitudinal work (Hofstede, 1980). For the present research, I suggest administering surveys at three points in time. First, upon acceptance into the university, a survey regarding television-viewing habits, previous exposure to the US, demographic data, and a materialism scale should be sent to the subjects. Second, within the first semester of arriving at the university, a second set of questions should be sent to ascertain television viewing habits in America, acculturation measurement, and materialism scores. Finally, after one year in the US, a third questionnaire similar to the second on e would be sent.
Samples
Sampling would be based on names generated from university admissions offices of international students who accept admission to study at designated colleges. Attempts would be made to randomly vary county, age, gender, and ethnicity based on the number of students and countries available in the sampling frame. Subjects include four groups: (1) international students accepted for admission to US universities who have not yet left their home country, (2) international students within the first year of arrival in the US, (3) international students residing in the US more than one year, and (4) American students at the same university. If possible, more than one university would be used to enhance the generalizability of the study. Comparison of subjects from the same home-country and from differing home-countries with American students may improve our understanding of Ger and Belk's (1996) finding that drastic cultural change (e.g., moving from an economically underdeveloped to an economically developed nation) has a greater positive impact on materialism score change. Collecting and controlling for demographic variables shown to have an impact on television viewing hours, such as income and education level, (O'Guinn and Shrum 1997) will improve validity. While it is impossible to estimate the sample size at this point, determination of desired effect size, reliability, and power will determine the necessary sample size (Pedhazur and Schmelkin, 1991).
Operationalization
To examine the relationship between media exposure, consumption cues, and acculturation presented in Propositions 2-4, I propose a methodology similar to Lee (1989). I suggest the formulation of a new list of products and services usually associated with the American way of life based on recent content analysis of television programs (see O'Guinn and Shrum, 1997). The list can then be pre-tested on a sample similar to the target population. I would similarly categorize the independent variable of exposure to American, native, and total television viewing into multiple categories based on responses of self-reported hours of television watched by respondents. Affluence estimates, the operationalization of consumption reality, would also be measured by the respondents' report of estimated percentages of Americans who own each product in the new list. Acculturation is operationalized via measurement of four dimensions: (1) host language fluency and usage, (2) host society interaction frequency and depth vis a vi s home society interaction, (3) culturally linked habits and customs, and (4) host media utilization and preference. Similar to television viewing, respondents would be divided using multiple category acculturation levels. One additional set of closed and open-ended questions would be asked to determine recent purchases (ownership) of personal goods.
Materialism, defined as the importance individuals place on possessions, would be operationalized using Belk's materialism scale (1984). A high score indicates higher levels of materialism. Reliability and validity of the scale are tested in several studies and a full discussion of each sub-trait can be found in Bruner and Hensel (1996).
Implications and Future Research
The purpose of this article is to apply theories of cultivation and materialism to a unique, growing population in such a way that adds to our understanding of influences on acculturation and consumption processes. Specifically, the present research sets eight goals: (1) to validate acculturation scales via application to various cultures, (2) to establish connections between time spent in host country and acculturation changes, (3) to determine relationships between acculturation levels and host-language television viewing habits, (4) to clarify connections among television viewing, affluence estimates, and personal consumption as related to acculturation changes, (5) to validate materialism scale cross-culturally, (6) to provide longitudinal data on changes in materialism before and during various times in host country, (7) to investigate correlations among changes in materialism, time in host country, and acculturation stages, and (8) to test which theory predicts changes in consumption better. Cultivatio n suggests purchases will increase with initial adjustment to a new culture, whereas materialism has contradictory claims. Seven propositions are presented to accomplish these goals and to discern the internal and external influences consumers use as cues to act on consumption patterns evident in their new culture. Finally, qualitative and quantitative methodologies that allow for both indepth and statistical analyses of proposed relationships are suggested.
The main limitation of the proposed study is the lack of empirical work to test relationships posed in the propositions. This is also the area most promising for future research. This article may be used as a springboard for hypothesis building in cross-cultural research. Methodological suggestions outlined above provide a framework upon which to build the subsequent studies. Several models may be constructed depending on individual researcher's desire to emphasize high vs. low acculturated individuals, similar vs. diverse cultures, developed vs. developing countries, and various motivations for coming to the US. Another area for future elaboration is the investigation of psychological underpinnings in the connections among television viewing, affluence estimates, and purchases. Examination of cognitive theories (e.g., contrast theory, cognitive problem solving, social learning) and nonmediated observation (i.e., personal interaction) may lead to a more comprehensive model of cultural assimilation and consum ption behaviors. Finally, different populations can be studied to test the generalizability of results found in student samples. This is particularly important given the two distinct populations studied by Dawson and Bamossy (1991) and Ger and Belk (1996).
Studying the universality of constructs such as materialism (Belk, 1984) and cultivation theory (Gerbner, 1973) advances the field of consumer research by aiding academicians and practitioners in understanding the nature of consumer desire across cultures. If the proposed relationships are tested and supported, there are several implications for the practitioner. First, recognizing the role of television as an acculturation and consumption-teaching agent for this mobile, highly educated consumer group allows practitioners to maximize the use of television as a communication tool when developing communication strategies targeted at this group. Information gained from the study of television may also be applied to mediums such as radio, print, and the Internet. Second, targeting individuals at different acculturation stages enhances acceptance of the product and other marketing mix variables. Initial work in this area is evident in Khairullah et al., (1996); additional research across numerous cultures and tim es will augment these findings. Finally, appreciating the unique motives of the identified population (e.g., cultural vs. economic, Donthu and Cherian, 1992) may improve the impact of marketing strategies aimed at such groups. Advertising aimed at acculturating consumers, for example, may use imagery associated with motivations of belonging and acceptance. Communication strategies may directly invoke conflicts felt by individuals balancing needs and wants of the two cultures (native and American) as they relate to self-definition in contemporary American society.
References
Applbaum, Kalman and Ingrid Jordt. 1996. "Notes Toward and Application of McCraken's 'Cultural Categories for Cross-cultural Consumer Research'." Journal of Consumer Research 23(December): 204-218.
Arenson, Karen W. 1997. "Three Lenders Begin Loan Program for Some Foreign Students at NYU." New York Times. New York, NY: 42.
Belk, Russell W. 1978. "Assessing the Effects of Visible Consumption on Impression Formation." In Advances in Consumer Research. Ed. K. Hunt. Provo, UT: Association for Consumer Research. p. 3947.
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