Although lesbians have found employment in a wide variety of occupations, including traditionally male occupations (e.g., construction worker, factory worker) that pay more and earn greater respect than traditionally female occupations (e.g., teacher, sales clerk), lack of acceptance of a woman within a traditionally male workplace may compromise person-environment correspondence (Morgan & Brown, 1991). The choice to remain in such a position is generally influenced by strong reinforcers that counterbalance the negative environmental factors.
Reinforcement Values
Reinforcement value is related to the satisfaction component of TWA. Reinforcement values describe the intensity, or strength, that the fulfillment of a particular psychological need holds for an individual (Dawis, 1994). The strength of the desire to satisfy a need is the measure of its reinforcement value. Specific reinforcers include ability utilization, compensation, company policy, independence, recognition, security, social service, and moral values (Lofquist & Dawis, 1975). Lesbians who choose to come out on the job, and face the possibility of negative consequences (e.g., diminished compensation, security), have attached a high reinforcement value to the need to be open about their sexuality. Coming out and being honest about sexual orientation may be valued as the morally correct choice or it may meet a lesbian's need for recognition of her true self on the job.
Level of outness is a measure of the willingness of lesbians to reveal sexual orientation to others (Mohr & Fassinger, 2000), and this may vary across environments. For example, although a lesbian may choose to be completely out to her employers, she may choose to remain closeted to her family. One study found that 65% of the respondents had not disclosed their lesbianism to their employers, and 37% were not out to anyone at their workplace (Eldridge & Gilbert, 1990). When a lesbian woman is deciding to choose between outness and nondisclosure of sexual identity, she must evaluate potential reinforcement for this choice.
Lesbians who do come out on the job and who might be the first out gay employee or the only gay employee may be seen as token employees, who are defined as members of a subgroup that makes up less than 15% of the majority group (Kanter, 2000). If they are seen as the token gay employee, these women may face greater visibility and may be seen as representative of the entire lesbian population. As with other token employees, out lesbians face concerns that majority employees are spared and that can create internal stress for lesbians. They may feel isolated from other employees, left out of informal communication and support networks, measured against other token group members, and may fear being singled out by the majority employees for being different.
Making the decision to disclose sexual orientation is often fraught with damaging consequences, yet many researchers (e.g., Croteau & Hedstrom, 1993; Elliott, 1993; Fassinger, 1991, 1996; Morgan & Brown, 1991) have acknowledged the toll that is taken on the mental health of lesbians who exert the energy necessary to maintain secrecy. Conversely, by coming out, lesbians may open themselves up to discrimination and harassment, which can lead to constant fear and anxiety (Gelwick, 1984).
Discrimination and harassment toward lesbians can exist both formally and informally (Levine & Leonard, 1984). Formal discrimination is evidenced by company policies that result in unfair treatment in the form of hiring decisions, wages, evaluations of performance, and lack of domestic partner benefits and policies. Informal discrimination comes from coworkers and other employees who may verbally harass the lesbian employee, threaten or cause harm and devalue and discredit her work. Acceptance of formal discrimination is a choice many lesbians may willingly make in order to follow their chosen career path when the reinforcement values for continued employment are significant. Informal discrimination is a more personal assault, and the constant exposure to such discrimination and hostility toward lesbians significantly lowers reinforcement values, specifically the emotional benefits and the relational benefits of a particular job (Driscoll et al., 1996; Waldo, 1999).
Abilities
Discrimination may occur well before a lesbian enters the job market. She may be precluded from developing particular abilities and skills that would allow her to enter a particular field. Viewed as a measure of potential, not actual, achievement, ability is defined in TWA as both an indicator of aptitude and a predictor of future behavior and performance (Dawis, 1994). Abilities precede skill development and, therefore, do not directly lead to achievement or to an individual's realization of their potential. Self-efficacy, defined as a person's belief in his or her ability to accomplish a given task, may greatly affect the process by which ability becomes skill. Gender stereotypes often keep individuals of both genders from fully exploring and developing their abilities. Morrow et al. (1996) expressed concern regarding the effect that such barriers as stereotyping, gender role expectations, and peer pressure may have for lesbians and gay men as a factor in their career development. The authors further sugges ted that the negative messages received from parents or teachers in response to non-gender-stereotypical interests may inhibit the development of interests as well as foreclose skill development.
Lesbians may face negation of their interests and abilities early in the career development process. Biases that exist toward lesbians in their career development may be evidenced when a lesbian client seeks career counseling from a nonaffirming career counselor (Fassinger, 1996) who may not support her interests in nontraditional careers. The sense of being different and the unpleasant associations with this perception (both for lesbians and for others) may lead these individuals to hold negative outcome expectations when they engage in behaviors that would reflect being different. Lesbians who disclose their sexual identity may be steered away from positions in which they would work with children (e.g., school teacher, child care worker) or from choosing a career that would reinforce typical lesbian stereotypes. Most models of career development highlight the importance that others have on the career development of an individual. Regardless of interests or abilities, oftentimes it is the interaction with ot hers, or the interference by others, that guides the vocational choice and, thus, the career path of lesbians who disclose their sexual orientation.
Unlike many minority groups, lesbians can often choose between identifying as a sexual minority or remaining invisible on the job. Lesbians must carefully evaluate the implications of this decision, and TWA provides a strong framework to do this, using the components of career satisfaction, person--environment correspondence, reinforcement values, and abilities. Career satisfaction may be both enhanced and diminished by coming out on the job (Day & Schoenrade, 1997; Ellis & Riggle, 1996). Although discrimination and harassment are less likely to occur if an individual remains closeted, which would seemingly support the claim of greater person--environment correspondence, lesbians may believe that their deception sacrifices fit with their environment. Lesbians must carefully assess the reinforcement values attached to coming out or remaining invisible. Even in the early stages of career development, lesbians may be judged and censured for their interests and abilities. Career counseling with lesbians, using TW A, would allow for individual exploration and facilitation of choices consonant with each woman's individual needs and preferences.
Case Study
A case example is provided to illustrate career counseling with a lesbian client within the framework of TWA. A discussion of the client and her presenting issues is followed by a discussion of the treatment plan and the outcome of the interventions.
Presenting Career Concerns
Lisa, a 31-year-old lesbian, was a computer programmer with a regional bank. After graduating from college, Lisa worked as a programmer for a small, family-owned business where she was open about her lesbianism. When the company went out of business, she chose to work as a contract programmer at short-term jobs. As a contract programmer, she never believed that it was necessary to develop close relationships with coworkers. However, her initial short-term assignment at the bank became a permanent position, with consideration for promotion to systems analyst within 6 months. Lisa enjoyed the opportunity to work at the prestigious company and had begun building relationships with her fellow employees. She felt unanticipated relief at being back in a permanent, full-time position. The benefits at the bank were excellent, her coworkers intelligent and enjoyable, and the job fit her abilities. Nonetheless, she did not feel as happy as she thought she would in this new position, and frequently isolated herself from her coworkers. Lisa entered career counseling because she felt dissatisfaction with what she believed should have been a highly satisfying career move.
Intervention
In working with Lisa, the counselor used the framework of TWA to explore the concerns that Lisa might have regarding her work environment and career development. The counselor encouraged Lisa to talk about what she had valued in other jobs and what brought her satisfaction. In doing this, the counselor attempted to ascertain Lisa's needs for satisfaction in areas including compensation, authority, independence, advancement, work relationships, and recognition. As she responded, Lisa began to talk about the aspects of her present position and past jobs that brought her the most satisfaction.




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