Catholic social thought and socio-economic and political transformation in Poland.

Introduction

As its title suggests, this paper will look at a perpetual problem in the social teaching of the Catholic Church: tension between the Church and competing political systems. This tension came to a head in Poland in the pivotal year of 1989 -- the key date in the transition from Socialism to Capitalism. It is worth remembering that two years earlier, Pope John Paul II placed his signature under the text of the Encyclical, "Sollicitudo rei Socialis," with the division of Europe still in two "blocs" of different thinking and acting. The source of inspiration for the "eastern" model was the Socialist traditions, in particular Marxism, while the "western" model was derived from the liberal and Capitalist traditions. (1)

While this period of "constitutional transformation" brought many political changes, the economy showed few signs of improvement. This critical situation intensified in many cases, causing a conflict between traditional attitudes and customs, and the tendencies and alms of the new ideology.

Naturally, the role of the Church was complicated in this period of two "clashing" worlds--when Socialism had not completely faded away and Capitalism had not yet sprung its roots. Even today, many Catholics accept the model of Capitalism, yet still apply "Socialist" solutions to Christian concepts.

To fully understand the position of the Church in this situation, this paper will first briefly review the complex socio-economic and political situation in Poland. Then, it will present the major principles in the social teaching of the Church and its evolution. Finally, it will comment on the position of the Church in Poland with regard to transformation.

Historical Background of the Polish Constitutional Transformation

After World War II, Poland found itself under the domain of the USSR. This caused two essential changes in the Polish institutional system. First, an authoritarian political system was set up, combining party and government's rules, with the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) as the centerpiece. Second, private ownership and markets were replaced with central planning and state ownership. The only known exception was farming, which remained predominantly private after forced collectivization was abandoned in the first half of 1950s.

The Polish centralized economy, like economies of the other Socialist countries, initially showed high rates of growth as a result of the enthusiastic post-war recovery and high rate of investment Over time, however, the efficiency of these investments and the whole economy started systematically to decline. And it became increasingly apparent that the centralized economic system was not able to resolve more complex economic problems. The falling efficiency of investments was accompanied by attempts to compensate for these losses by raising the rate of investments even higher -- creating a vicious cycle. One result was another drop in the rate of growth of the national income, as well as a slow-down in the growth of consumption. The riots of the 1950s did not bring any improvement. By the end of that decade, in fact, consumption had come to a near standstill.

With the economy eroding, and a new series of riots brutally suppressed in Gdansk, 1970 saw the start of yet a new political leadership. The new party leader, Edward Gierek, promised higher living standards. As it turned out, the key to this higher standard of living was huge foreign loans that financed both higher consumption and new investments in foreign technology. Foreign loans proved to be excessive and the related investments ineffective, mainly because they were undertaken in a generally unchanged, centralized economic system. After a period of substantially increased national income and consumption from 1971 until 1978, Poland entered into an economic crisis with the constantly aggravating burden of a huge foreign debt.

In the course of this lingering crisis, the Polish social and economic system basically changed. After a tidal wave of strikes in August 1980, the authorities allowed an independent trade union to be established: "Solidarity." For the first time ever, the authorities allowed an organization independent of the party-government system to speak freely. Solidarity was a trade union only in name. In fact, it was a mass political movement acting on behalf of internal changes which, at the peak of its development, numbered no less than one-third of the country's total population.

The cumbersome cohabitation of Solidarity and the party-government authorities ended with the introduction of martial law by Army General Wojciech Jaruzelski in December 1981, First, Solidarity was suspended and then outlawed, continuing its activity underground. In 1982, the authorities initiated an economic reform that--despite some increased autonomy of the state-owned enterprises--did not manage to improve the economic crisis.

Social tensions reappeared. As a result, the year 1988 unleashed an accelerated rate of change in what was to be the final period of Socialist governments in Poland. The last such government, headed by Prime Minister Mieczyslaw Rakowski, was formed in October 1988. Due to overwhelming pressure from the opposition forces, this government introduced considerable liberalization of the private sector and international trade. This was accompanied by a very soft and submissive macro-economic policy which, in turn, led to increased pressure on wages, a rapid growth in inflation and accompanying shortages caused by an attempt to control prices.

In February and March 1989, the so-called Round Table talks were conducted between Solidarity, chaired by Lech Walesa, and the government-party authorities. The result was an accord that provided for afar-reaching political liberalization, the legalization of Solidarity and other independent trade unions and, last but certainly not least, free elections.

New elections for the Sejm (Lower Chamber of the Parliament) and Senate were announced soon after. However, the outcome of the June elections surprised both parties. The Communist party--until then declared to be the so-called leading force of the nation-suffered a total defeat. On the other hand, Solidarity enjoyed an unexpected victory. Driven by a political compromise, the new National Assembly elected Wojciech Jaruzelski president of Poland, a function restored after a long break. The government was formed by Solidarity in coalition with two other parties--both former allies of PZPR. That government, constituted at the turn of August and September 1989, was headed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki. He started the process of significant constitutional transformation--the passage from the Socialist system that dominated Poland for almost 45 years to a Capitalist system. Here's a brief summary of the transformation-related events that followed...

At the turn of 1991 and 1992, notable political changes occurred. As a result of the parliamentary elections in October 1991, Jan Olszewski's coalition government was formed with its goal being a radical separation from the past. Prime Minister's Olszewski's government fell in June of the next year and Hanna Suchocka was appointed Prime Minister of the next coalition government. This government was disbanded due to a vote of no-confidence passed by the Sejm that was itself dissolved by the President. A new crisis surfaced in September 1993, when a new coalition government formed from two post-Communist parties came to power. After General Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa, social dissatisfaction with the poor results of economic transformation opened the door of the presidential office to Aleksander Kwalniewski, the representative of the former ruling elite.

As you can see from the above, the Polish economic transformation took place in a complex political environment, especially from the second half of 1991 on.

Circumstances of the Transformation

The specific nature of pulling down so-called Communism in Poland and in the rest of Central and Eastern Europe becomes very clear when we compare it with transformation processes occurring in other countries.

Post-Communist changes in Central and Eastern Europe are characterised by several features. First, there was an extremely broad spectrum of changes covering both the political and economic system, along with, and connected to, significant changes occurring in the social structure. Second, changes in the political and economic system were out f sync with each other. As it turned out, the introduction of political pluralism (a certain extent of legally admissible political competition) greatly outpaced the arrival of "real" Capitalism. Third, economic reforms in European countries followed earlier transformations of the political system; that is, the introduction of democracy. Let us remember that the radical reforms in Chile, or in China, were introduced under repressive regimes.

Another characteristic of the economic and political changes in Central and Eastern Europe was their decidedly peaceful course. A kind of mutual consent existed -- and still does -- between the stepping-down Communist elite and incoming opponents of the old regime. The peaceful character of transformations in this part of Europe certainly distinguish them from blood-shedding revolutions in a very positive way -- which is another argument for them to be accepted by the Church.