The previous three columns in this series looked at the
contribution of the consumer, government, and private investment to the
growth of the U.S. economy. There is one other very important element to
consider, and that is the relation of the domestic economy to the rest
of the world. As globalization has become more and more of a force
during the past two decades, the linkages between nations has become
tighter and, for good or ill, it is virtually impossible to separate any
local economy--even down to the level of individual cities--from trends
that are afoot on the far side of the world.
Of course, it is quite apposite to treat this subject in an edition
of Real Estate Issues that is devoted to Global Cities in an Era of
Change. Americans are so used to the international influence in the
economy that it is almost totally transparent. We grew up with Bayer
aspirin. We drive Toyotas or BMWs. We watched Monty Python on our Sony
TVs. We've gotten used to eating Chiquita bananas and other
tropical fruit on a year-round basis. At happy hour, there's whisky
from Scotland, vodka from Russia or Finland, wine from Italy, France, or
even Australia. Shoes from Italy; watches from Switzerland; cheese from
Holland; movies from Bollywood. The computer that this article is being
composed on came stamped "Made in Malaysia" even though, dude,
it's a Dell!
Real estate, though often thought of as the most local of
industries, has gone global as well (as the articles throughout this
edition of REI amply demonstrate). Investors like Lend Lease, the
Grosvenor Estate, TMW, RFR, GSIC, and Henderson Global Investors own
substantial holdings of U.S. commercial property More and more,
financing is accomplished through entities like HSBC, Hypo-Vereinsbank,
ING, and Caisse de Depot de Quebec. Capital, even more than goods, flows
freely across borders in the contemporary economy. This affects price
and terms, usually by driving the market to the most efficient and
lowest cost source of funds.
Conventionally, there is a lot of hand-wringing about the impact of
world trade on the U.S. economy. Every quarter the Department of
Commerce international trade numbers spark a round of editorializing
about the ballooning trade deficit, which was $427 billion in the
merchandise sector for 2001 and looks like it will wind up at an even
larger number in 2002, based on three quarters of data. The trade
deficit, by definition, is a negative influence on GDP since it means we
are consuming goods made elsewhere (i.e., not produced here--that's
the "DP" in "GDP") and by extension sending U.S.
dollars to our trading partners. Commentators keep saying "this
can't go on forever" and, of course, they are right. But the
ebbs and flows of the trade balance are just part of the picture, and
the adjustment in its level depends upon many factors, including growth
elsewhere in the world, the value of the dollar, savings rates that vary
widely from country to country, and even the age-structure of national
populations and oth er demographic features.
A few items seem worth mentioning. First, the trade deficit has to
be put into the perspective of a U.S. economy that has grown above $10
trillion in size and that has been sustaining growth--with the exception
of the recession period that saw contraction from the second to fourth
quarter of 2001--since 1991: the exact period of the weakening trade
figures. Second, in many ways the overall trade deficit disguises
sectors of comparative strength and weakness that are very important to
many U.S. economic regions. For instance, while we run substantial
deficits in energy, automobiles, and most consumer goods, we are in
trade surplus in agricultural and food products, and in capital goods:
chiefly aircraft, semiconductors, industrial machinery, sophisticated
instruments, and medical equipment.
Third, from a real estate perspective the usual calculation of the
trade deficit (exports minus imports) is fairly irrelevant. Demand for
U.S. industrial space is more influenced by a figure rarely publicized:
total trade (exports plus imports), because whether goods are coming
into or going out of the country, they have to pass through the
warehousing and distribution system. As Graph 1 shows, the trend in
total trade has been rising steeply for a long time. And fourth, a trade
surplus is not a guarantee or even a reliable sign of prosperity. Japan
has been running large trade surpluses for the past decade, even as its
economy has stagnated and its financial system brought to the brink of
collapse.
The other side of the international transaction picture is capital
investment. This has also been growing spectacularly for the past two
decades, and in both directions. Foreign direct investment in the United
States (FDIUS) has grown more than tenfold since 1982, while U.S. direct
investment abroad (USDIA) has sextupled over the same period (see Graph
2). Direct investment flows consist of equity capital, debt including
loans by parents to affiliate companies (or vice-versa), trade accounts,
and reinvested earnings. Especially in the period of exceptional growth
enjoyed by the United States in the late 1990s, tremendous volumes of
foreign direct investment capital were attracted to the U.S., with
Western Europe the principal source of new funds (especially Germany and
the Netherlands, with Switzerland also high on the list due to debt
structuring by Swiss-based multinational companies).
Perhaps more than any other figure, the capital accounts on direct
investment illustrate how tightly bound together the world economy is.
Real estate has witnessed the degree to which cross-border investors
compare the risk-reward profile of alternative acquisitions. It is not
an accident that, as world stock markets have suffered, the volume of
capital being directed into U.S. commercial property by foreigners has
noticeably increased.
Much more could be said, though the limits of space constrain
discussion in this column. For example, deflationary pressures overseas
(particularly in Asia) have helped keep U.S. consumer prices down, thus
supporting the Fed's efforts to stimulate our domestic economy by
dropping interest rates to historically low levels. At the same time,
the U.S. dollar has been kept very high (limiting our export potential)
and it is likely that we will see downward pressure on the dollar in the
coming year or so. This is not such a bad thing, despite the Bush
Administration's dogmatic faith in keeping the currency high. After
all, it was the G-7 Plaza Accord of 1985 that restored U.S.
competitiveness on world markets by lowering the dollar that set the
stage for our excellent economic performance thereafter.
In short, we are intimately networked with the rest of the world.
U.S. economic policy (to the degree such a thing can be said to exist
right now) cannot be set on purely domestic terms, and analyses of our
economy must always keep an eye to the international influences on
trends and the global ramifications of decisions. Real estate
professionals, too, must be acutely aware of what is happening behind
changes in the demand for space and in the capital market for our
products.
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Hugh F. Kelly, CRE, is the principal of an independent counseling
practice, specializing in applied real estate economics for clients with
domestic and international commercial property interests. Kelly is based
in Brooklyn, NY, and is well known as a writer and public speaker.
Formerly, he was chief economist for Landauer Realty Group and author of
the Landauer Forecast from 1986 to 2000. Kelly was a 2000 national vice
president of The Counselors of Real Estate, chair of its New York
Metropolitan Chapter in 1999 and 2000, and editor in chief of "The
Counselor" newsletter from 1997-1999. (Email:
hughkelly@hotmail.com)
COPYRIGHT 2002 The Counselors of Real
Estate Reproduced with permission of the copyright holder. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission.
Copyright 2002, Gale Group. All rights
reserved. Gale Group is a Thomson Corporation Company.
NOTE: All illustrations and photos have been removed from this article.