Emerging global cities: comparison of Singapore and
the Cities of the United Arab Emirates.
by Parsa, Ali^Keivani, Ramin^Sim, Loo Lee^Ong, Seow Eng^Younis,
Bassam
Globalization processes and responses to them have important
consequences for the growth and development of cities. This, however, is
not a uniform process. The outcome at the regional and local level is
highly path-dependent on inherited social, economic, and regulatory
structures and relationships. This development path is heterogeneous and
the path to regionalization and globalization of a city is influenced by
multiple factors such as its geographic location, resource availability,
and local productions and service advantages, to name only a few.
Singapore is often quoted as an exemplary city to have successfully
embedded its development strategy within the global economic circuit
while the main United Arab Emirate (UAE) cities, Abu Dhabi, Dubai, and
Sharjah are among many urban regions in the developing countries that
hope to emulate Singapore as an emerging global city. Although there has
been extensive research examining the impact of the globalization
process on urban and regional development in various geographical areas
including Singapore, there is a distinct lack of studies on the Middle
Eastern region, particularly the UAE cities. In view of this, the
following study delves into the very path that each of the subject
cities has employed and is an attempt to evaluate both the past
development and the present and future capacity of their milieu, through
an institutional study approach, to accomplish their respective
"development visions" and emerge as economic centres of the
global supply chain.
PROCESSES OF GLOBALIZATION AND THEIR IMPACT ON CITIES
There are many different approaches to the study of globalization
and global cities, but some important concepts that have emerged from
the body of literature are complementarities and competition. As
networks develop, they engage in complementary activities; at the same
time, they compete with each other to attract investments as illustrated
in the studies reviewed in the following sections.
In their efforts to secure international investment, countries and
cities today are increasing their operations in conditions of changing
comparative advantage. As a result, rather than relying solely on
traditional concepts of comparative advantage in terms of lowest
production costs or highest investment incentives; cities are forming
urban alliances and economic synergies within and across national
boundaries in order to utilise different urban/regional functions and
factor advantages towards accomplishing common economic objectives.
Network functionality and competitive co-operation creates
synergistic effects for a win-win situation. Success is often dependent
on the ability to offer institutionalising processes to attract flows of
investment and entrepreneurship and to offer a variety of external
economies of sufficient scope and scale to business.
One significant aspect that emerges from these studies is the
recognition of the increasing importance of the business environment as
a determining factor in the competitiveness of a city. Central to this
is the role of policy factors and institutional design of a city. As a
result, the institutional approach has gained importance in explaining
the competitive and comparative advantage of cities.
THE INSTITUTIONAL APPROACH
The institutional approach has gained importance for analyzing the
diversity of economic formations in different regions in recent years.
Institutions have been defined as "rules of the game" in a
society. Organizations, whether political, economic, or social, behave
and perform within a framework defined by institutions, which are
regarded as both formal and informal rules. Formal rules are laws and
regulations while the informal rules are norms, conventions, traditions,
and customs.
Thus, the institutional approach does not emphasize the presence of
institutions per se but rather the process of institutionalization--the
institutionalizing processes that both encourage and support diffused
entrepreneurship -- a recognized set of conduct, supports, and
practices.
The questions to ask therefore -- are cities up to the challenge of
creating the kind of institutional thickness required? Are existing and
inherited institutional structures and interest groups an obstacle to
the kind of innovative milieu that is required for embedding
entrepreneurship and international capital?
RESEARCH METHOD
The methodology underpinning this research draws upon the
institutional school of urban analysis and academic work on world cities
and global urban networks. In essence this is an examination of rules,
regulations, conventions, and structures that shape processes and
resultant interactions vis-a-vis the city's capacity for attracting
and embedding international business.
In evaluating institutional capacities in the studies, a series of
semi-structured interviews were conducted. These involved senior policy
makers from different government departments and agencies, concerned
with the formulation and implementation of economic and urban policy.
International private sector participants were drawn from economic
sectors that have been identified as being central to the economic
globalization process in terms of higher value added functions as well
as the more traditional sectors of comparative advantage in each case
study city. Overall a total of 118 interviews were carried out in the
four cities encompassing 15 different private categories.
The questionnaires and the interview programme were designed to
enable detailed exploration of perceptions and actual experiences of
both public officials and international firms in respect of a range of
institutional processes and capacities framing and facilitating the
business environment in the studied cases. These include general
development vision, the stability of the business environment, security
of investment, impact of specific regulations, and the quality of
spatial development and infrastructural capacity.
SINGAPORE
The competitive city of Singapore (Exhibit 1), as we know it today,
has developed through rapid economic and socio-cultural transformations.
This development model is built on the recognition by the public
administration for value addition and adaptation of an export-oriented
growth model, a strategy employed by most emerging markets in Asia.
Singapore transitioned from a manufacturing base in the late 1960s and
1970s, to a knowledge intensive sector in the 1980s. This led to an
advancement in the value chain in this sector in the 1990s, to reach the
platform of a highly recognized regional city of the 21st century,
demonstrating the strong fundamentals of the institutional system. The
Economic Development Board (EDB) and the Trade Development Board (TDB)
are the key drivers for taking Singapore in the regional and global
marketplace and are the statutory bodies that aim at attracting
businesses through fiscal incentives, sound business policies and
environment.
Moving towards the new century, the institutions have initiated the
Singapore 21 plan. This includes Tourism 21, Industry 21, and
Construction 21, which are mandates to establish and achieve goals
within these sectors.
To date, more than 5,000 international companies operate in
Singapore, with about half having regional operations. This growth has
been contributed to a significant extent by the 20% foreign workers that
reside in Singapore. This large population base of expatriates
reiterates the demographic effects of globalization on cities.
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
United Arab Emirates (Exhibit 2), hereon UAE, a federation of seven
emirates--Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Sharjah, Ajman, Ras al Khaimah, Umm al
Qawain and Fujairah, was established in 1971. Of these seven emirates,
Abu Dhabi and Dubai account for 60% and 25% of UAE's Gross Domestic
Product and have been the frontrunners in the economic growth in the
decade spanning 1990-2000, when the UAE recorded a growth of over 80%.
Today, the country is a major regional centre for trade and shipping,
and business and IT services. A report by Emirates Industrial Bank (EIB)
issued in May 1999 ranks the UAE as the third most important re-export
center in the world (after Hong Kong and Singapore respectively).
With its low custom tariffs, no personal income tax, low corporate
tax, and secure business environment, UAE has become a preferred
business location in the Middle East market. UAE citizens account for a
little over 20% of the population, which further emphasizes the need to
study an institutional system that caters to economy and its
development.
Abu Dhabi is the largest of the seven emirates and the federal
capital. It is the biggest oil producer in the UAE, controlling more
than 85% of the UAE's total oil output capacity and over 90% of its
crude reserves. Abu Dhabi's primary strategy has been the
privatization of the manufacturing sector, a notable example of which is
the Taweelah A-1 Independent Water and Power Project. At the same time
Abu Dhabi has diversified its economic base particularly aiming at
developing oil related petrochemical industries as well as producer
services and tourism.
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