Recent studies suggest that black American diners tend to tip less
than white American diners. Rather than address tipping directly, this
study uses in-depth interviews of white restaurant workers to frame the
issue of how restaurant workers view and respond to customers of color.
The present research indicates that white American restaurant workers
actively participate in derogatory stereotyping of black American
customers, engaging in the use of racial code words and derogatory
ethnic labels, while discriminating--both overtly and covertly--in their
service interactions with black customers. Among other things, servers
attempt to negotiate with other white employees to avoid having black
parties seated in their sections and actively try to trade off such
"undesirable" parties. Servers' logic regarding tipping
is self-perpetuating in the sense that they avoid serving parties of
black customers because they anticipate poor tips. These results suggest
that evidence of racial tipping differences needs to be viewed
cautiously in the service context in which they exist and that the
industry should take special care to ensure that when servers serve
black Americans, they should provide service that justifies a good tip.
Keywords: race relations; tipping; restaurants; discrimination
**********
Recent studies posit that black American diners often leave smaller
tips than do white American diners. Using in-depth interviews of white
restaurant workers (who dominate front-of-the-house positions), this
study frames the issue according to how restaurant workers view and
respond to customers of color. The research indicates that white
American restaurant workers actively participate in derogatory
stereotyping of black American customers, engage in the use of racial
code words and derogatory ethnic labels, and discriminate in their
service interactions with black customers. Among other things, servers
attempt to negotiate with other employees to avoid having black parties
seated in their section and actively try to trade off such
"undesirable" parties. Servers~ logic is self-perpetuating in
the sense that they avoid serving parties of black customers because
they anticipate poor tips from those parties. These results suggest that
evidence of racial tipping differences needs to viewed cautiously in the
service context.
A majority of white Americans are fond of thinking that racism is a
thing of the past and that black Americans no longer face intentional or
widespread discrimination. (1) While overt, aggressive,
institutionalized racism has been outlawed, many black Americans believe
that a different set of rules applies for blacks than what applies to
whites, and they understand that racism is an integral, permanent, and
indestructible component of society. (2)
The restaurant-tipping debate introduced by Michael Lynn's
accompanying article demonstrates one aspect of the divide in
people's beliefs about racism. (3) To summarize this article, many
white servers believe that the majority of black customers tip poorly
regardless of how well they are served. Lynn considers this a matter of
the need to educate black American customers on current tipping
practices in the United States. In this article, however, we present a
different perspective--a perspective in which tips by black Americans
may, in fact, correlate with the level of service they receive. Based on
our research, we see restaurants as an institution plagued by racial
discrimination not unlike many other American institutions, places where
black Americans face continued and various forms of racism, regardless
of law or official policy. Our research focuses on tipping in the
broader context of restaurant race relations and offers a lens by which
to view tipping in the context of racial discrimination and continued
racism in restaurants.
In an effort to extend the limited empirical work that exists on
black Americans' experience as restaurant customers, this study
examines one exemplar of everyday racism: the spoken and unspoken and
organizational rituals that govern restaurant experiences. (4) Using
in-depth interviews of restaurant workers, the study examines how
restaurant workers (primarily, servers) address issues of race, explains
how elements of social exchange (tipping in particular) play out in the
restaurant's interracial "theater," and examines the
extent to which restaurant workers view their racial stereotypes as
rational beliefs. We ground our study within a broader institutional
context, embedding this study's data points into the broad sweep of
ingrained belief systems and institutionalized restaurant practices.
Institutional Misconduct and the Black American Experience
The majority of everyday examples that we introduce in this article
involve interpersonal interactions between restaurant servers and
customers, fellow servers, and dining-room hosts, hostesses, and
managers. But as Feagin et al., Bell, and others suggest, when one
speaks of differential access or opportunity based on biology, one
cannot separate the interpersonal from the structural; they are in many
ways variants of the same problem. (5) It is in this vein that one must
begin to understand the historical precedents that still, some argue,
govern black American customer experiences in a full range of leisure
and commercial establishments.
Probably the best-known case of discriminatory malfeasance in the
restaurant industry involves the Shoney's Corporation, in the case
of Haynes v. Shoney's. (6) In 1992, after two years of bitter court
battles related to a class-action lawsuit on behalf of 21,000 persons,
the Shoney's Corporation settled the Haynes case for $132.5
million, the largest such settlement in United States history. (7) As
detailed in the accompanying sidebar, the lawsuit included
well-established examples of overt and covert racism on the part of Ray
Danner, Shoney's cofounder and chair of its board, and other senior
managers. With regard to formal policies and procedures, Shoney's
was also found to lack an affirmative-action plan, a formal application
process, and objective criteria for promotions.
Although most observers point to Haynes v. Shoney's as the
most egregious example of formalized racist practices in the restaurant
industry, serious charges have also been levied against Denny's
(e.g., management's often publicized use of the word blackout as a
code for having too many black customers in a Denny's restaurant at
one time), Red Onion, International House of Pancakes, and
Domino's. Also part of the restaurant industry's sad history
was the case of the Sambo's restaurant chain. This firm drew
human-rights complaints in the 1970s because its name invoked the
stereotype from "Little Black Sambo." Indeed, the chain used
the story's cartoon-type character as a logo. (11) In short, formal
complaints against U.S. restaurant chains suggest complex and persistent
patterns of discrimination related to race, power, and culture.
By the Numbers
To better understand differential patterns of treatment based on
race, we present the following snapshot of the black American experience
within the restaurant industry, which is the largest employer of service
workers, regardless of race, in the United States. The numbers suggest
distinct patterns of "preferred" roles and missed
opportunities. Although black workers make up one-tenth of all those
employed in the United States, black Americans constitute 13 percent of
those in foodservice jobs. Sixteen percent of kitchen workers and 19
percent of cooks are black, compared with only 5 percent of waiters and
waitresses and less than 3 percent of bartenders. (12)
The issue extends beyond the fact that black workers are more
likely to be in the back of a restaurant than in the front. Few black
Americans are to be found in the ranks of the industry's
management, and few black entrepreneurs have been able to secure
franchises in major family-restaurant chains. Black entrepreneurs have
also had difficulty obtaining bank loans to start restaurants, either on
their own or as part of a franchise arrangement. (13) With this
background, we turn to our examination of blacks' experience as
restaurant customers.
Dining While Black
In addition to examples of racial discrimination made evident in
the Denny's and Shoney's cases, many research studies on
racism indicate that discrimination in restaurant dining is not uncommon
for black Americans. (14) Feagin and Sikes revealed the following forms
of restaurant discrimination: black Americans were slow to be greeted,
were seated in undesirable locations such as next to the kitchen or
outside, and were largely ignored by service-staff members while dining.
(15) Researchers have suggested that these examples are extensions of
Jim Crow-era denials of service (16) and typify the more subtle and
intangible acts that characterize today's "modern
racism." (17)
In a study focusing on the leisure-travel experiences of black
Americans, Willming found that 76 percent of the 131 people she surveyed
reported some form of "rejection, harassment, threats, or verbal or
physical attacks simply because of race" while eating in sit-down
restaurants. Furthermore, 51 percent of those surveyed reported racial
discrimination in the hotel or motel restaurants they visited, and 46
percent reported perceived discrimination while dining at fast-food
restaurants. (18) A 1997 Gallup poll analyzed by the Urban Institute
indicated 21 percent of black Americans had encountered race-based
discrimination while dining out in the previous thirty days. (19)
Collectively, these reports support the colloquial term "dining
while black," marked by racial discrimination that is similar to
the experience of "driving while black" (being stopped and
searched for spurious reasons), "shopping while black" (being
harassed or followed by store employees), and "hailing (a cab)
while black" (being refused ride service).
Restaurants' Regressive Racial Climate
While research on discrimination in restaurants has focused on the
experiences of customers as targets of prejudice, we know of little
research regarding restaurant personnel as instruments of
discrimination--particularly in terms of their attitudes and actions. As
we noted at the outset, much of the work on race relations and
restaurant workers focuses on the practice of tipping within restaurants
and how tipping practices are possibly related to restaurant
workers' perceptions, attitudes, and treatment of black Americans.
(20)
Servers' a priori perceptions of tipping differences have been
thought to be one possible explanation for discrimination against black
American customers. Those servers who believe that black Americans do
not tip well may then provide inferior service to black customers, which
then in turn leads to lower tips--in a self-fulfilling prophecy. (That
is one thesis presented by Lynn and Thomas-Haysbert.) Potential tipping
differences aside, understanding the interpersonal and organizational
rituals that govern the dining experience of black Americans may help to
better explain discrimination on the part of some restaurant personnel.
An examination of the tipping.org Web site reveals that restaurant
workers have much to say about restaurant race relations, particularly
in conjunction with tipping habits. Notable threads are posted under
headings such as "Minorities Don't Tip: True or False?"
and "Why Don't the Majority of Black People Tip?" Such
threads draw hundreds of candid responses that allege specific tipping
behavior by black Americans in comparison to white Americans, as well as
additional groups of Americans of color and international diners. Many
of those who write negatively about black Americans are quick to explain
that they are not "racist" or "prejudiced," even
though they often say things that are indeed just that. (21)
Backstage Race Talk
As the discourse at the tipping Web site suggests, many restaurant
workers rely on stereotypical knowledge schemas to guide their treatment
of black Americans as customers. Many of the threads focus on racial
stereotypes regarding tipping behavior, the shared understanding of and
language used by white American restaurant workers regarding restaurant
race relations, and the justification for differential and
discriminatory treatment given to black American customers. As stated
above, if restaurant personnel believe that black Americans tip less and
are therefore less deserving of equal service, servers may give inferior
service in the first place, thus eliciting the very tipping practices
they abhor. (22) Poor tips become a confirmation of the servers'
personal beliefs and contribute to the shared organizational knowledge.
The cycle is perpetuated when existing servers' perceptions of
their experiences generate a discourse that helps to shape incoming
employees' belief structures.
The self-perpetuating nature of stereotypes has been studied both
cognitively (23) and through private discourse. (24) Our research here
relies on private discourse, such as what one would find in the
(backstage) discussions among restaurant workers. Private discourse
exists with relative selectivity and is negotiated within a restaurant
lexicon that involves the coding of events, people, and beliefs.
Research on private discourse and racial language by van Dijk suggests
that both work to shape prejudice and discrimination. (25) As Myers and
Williamson's work on backstage "race talk" suggests,
individuals frequently make derogatory and stereotypical remarks about
black Americans through shared backstage or private discourse among
other white Americans. (26)
Backstage Race Relations
The responses by restaurant personnel at the tipping Web site
highlight many current themes in racial and ethnic relations.
"Old-fashioned" forms of racism, involving overt
discrimination and open expression of anti-black attitudes and opinions,
are now being disguised in more subtle forms of "modern
racism" that involve the tacit expression of a racist belief system
coupled with an abating acceptance of negatively expressed attitudes.
(27) Many white Americans have become quite adept at presenting
themselves as nonprejudiced individuals while still harboring many
racist and stereotypical notions regarding race relations and black
Americans. (28)
The notion of a "frontstage" and a backstage presentation
of oneself has evolved into the concept of frontstage and backstage
racism. (29) Similar to the idea of "aversive racism" that
characterizes "the racial attitudes of many whites who endorse
egalitarian values land] who regard themselves as nonprejudiced, but who
discriminate in subtle, rationalizable ways," (30) the frontstage
and backstage racism framework posits that individuals are adept at
negotiating a nonprejudiced and socially appropriate frontstage
presentation but may be more likely to reveal an openly prejudiced and
racist self in a backstage setting that serves as a "safe
space" for racist sentiment and action. (31) These ideas suggest
that racial attitudes have become increasingly complex and nuanced in
the sense that many prejudiced individuals will outwardly agree with
egalitarian social and racial norms while actively avoiding their
internalization. (32)
Examining the racial language and rituals that exist as part of the
"everyday" thread of race relations in the restaurant is
important, as people of color are often targets of negative and
prejudicial stereotypes and suffer in multiple ways from interpersonal
and organizational discrimination. (33) In an attempt to understand the
individual and organizational purveyors of such discrimination, this
study examines white American restaurant workers' knowledge of the
rituals, processes, and language that govern the hiring and dining
experiences of black Americans.
Interviewing Restaurant Employees
Sixteen white restaurant workers, thirteen women and three men,
were interviewed for this study. Their ages ranged from nineteen to
forty-six. All participants had worked in at least one table-service,
chain restaurant or were currently doing so; work experience ranged from
two months to twenty-five years. Participants worked in various parts of
the United States, with most working in the southeast. The majority of
the participants were college educated, with approximately half working
while also attending college.
Procedure. In-depth interviews were conducted with the respondents.
Located through personal contacts via phone, email, or in person while
dining in restaurants throughout Florida, candidates were asked whether
they would be willing to participate in a study on restaurant workers
and restaurant race relations. Interviews were conducted at the
location, date, and time of participants' choosing--usually in
their homes. Two interviews were conducted at a quiet coffee shop, and
three interviews were conducted in a room reserved at a university
campus. Interview lengths spanned from twenty-five to ninety minutes.
Informed consent and demographic information were collected from all
participants. Interviews were audiotaped and later transcribed.
Participants were asked to describe their restaurant work
experience, their knowledge of discrimination policies and diversity
training in their restaurant(s), information about the racial
composition of employees and customers, and their knowledge or
perceptions about hiring practices. Participants were asked about the
interpersonal aspects of their positions including how they would
describe the "racial climate" of the restaurant(s); what they
thought about black Americans' reports of discrimination; their
perceptions of tipping across race, class, and gender lines; whether
they could recall possible race-related language or incidents; and how
they felt race was handled (in a general sense) at their place(s) of
employment. If a given participant had work experience at more than one
restaurant, she or he was asked to describe each restaurant in separate,
distinct terms. Transcribed interviews were then analyzed using a
grounded-theory framework. (34)
Racial Divides in Restaurant Employment
To clearly capture the underlying interpersonal and organizational
rituals and processes related to the black American restaurant
experience in hiring and dining, we first present the results related to
the broad business context as experienced by participants, and then we
delve into the frontstage and backstage interactions that serve as the
framework for understanding the individual and institutional practices
that govern black Americans' experiences in restaurants.
Hiring practices at the restaurants covered by this study suggest a
pattern of differential hiring practices and a form of employee
"steering" toward front-of-the-house and back-of-the-house
positions. Nearly all of the respondents reported that
front-of-the-house positions tended to be filled by white Americans,
while people of color were usually given back-of-the-house positions,
especially those that offered lesser status and lower pay. In that
regard, one hostess noted,
Um, it's ... predominantly white [laugh].
Everybody who works, who works at any
of the restaurants I have, like especially
server-wise has been white. Anybody of
any other ethnicity has been either in the
kitchen or um, yeah, either like a line
cook or a dishwasher.... If there is a
black person in the restaurant, urn, or
even like a Hispanic person, they'll usually
be in the kitchen.
Another hostess elaborated using front-and back-of-the-house
descriptions, as follows:
I think the back of the house, the people
like the cooks and cleaners, the
majority are African American. The
front, the hostesses are all white, and
maybe there are three servers who are
black.... There's like one black manager
and five white ones. The majority
of the back of the house are African
American.
The responses of our respondents regarding their restaurants are
similar to reports from other institutions where few white Americans
have close, equal-status, personal contacts with people of color. (35)
Many of our respondents had to pause to think of any people of color
with whom they had worked. For instance, one server asked us to give her
a minute to "rack her brain" as she tried to recall a single
person of color with whom she worked. Another respondent, a server who
had worked in a variety of front- and back-of-the-house positions in her
twenty-five years of experience was shocked when she realized the
following:
In fact, I don't know that I've ever
worked in a restaurant--in all the years
that I've worked--that I've worked next
to a black server! That I've ever had
that ... that I've ever even had that situation!
I can't ever remember, looking
back, that I've ever worked with a black
server! Um....
As the veteran server's account above suggests, one can work
for decades in a restaurant without having the opportunity to have an
equal-status contact with a person of color. When asked to reflect on
that realization, this server elaborated,
I don't know! I find it bizarre! Until right
now, I guess I never really put a lot of
thought into it, but since you're asking ...
um, I would say it probably has a
lot to do with race ... that, unfortunately,
if you are black, they don't want you to
be in the service industry, where you're
out in the front of the house--on the
front lines, you know. Um, maybe they
think that the customers think that
blacks are dirty ... um, I don't know! I
don't know what the reasoning would
be, but I do ... looking back on it right
now find it pretty strange that there wasn't
more of a mixture of blacks and
whites working side by side!
Notice that this respondent quickly speculated that customers will
think "blacks are dirty" and that those who do the hiring
would not want black Americans in front-of-the-house positions. Not only
does this reasoning involve an egregious anti-black belief, but this is
known as "consumer discrimination," a form of employment
discrimination in which employers hire employees based on the racial
composition of their consumer base or by attempting to anticipate
consumers' racial desires. (36) In particular, this type of
discrimination is found to affect positions that involve direct customer
contact. (37)
Although our study involved race, we found that many of the
accounts given by respondents indicated that positions within the
restaurant align not only by race but also by gender. Every respondent
in the sample mentioned that white American males filled the management
and ownership positions in the restaurant, with few people of color or
women working in such positions. One server tried to recall a black
manager but could not do so:
I'm trying to remember if I've ever
worked with ... a manager in a restaurant
that hasn't, that has been anything
other than white? No, in all three restaurants
I worked at, all of my managers
have, all my managers have been white
males, with the exception [that] I've had
two female managers, you know, that
have kind of come and gone, you know,
a couple months period.... Both of them
were white.
The intersection of race and gender was also prominent for the
hostess position, as this server recalled that the hostess position also
required a certain look to be hired:
I had one black girl that worked at the
Shrimp House, out of the two years that I
worked there, as a hostess. And the only
reason I think that she was allowed to
work there, was because she was really
cute ... and she was thin, and she was
very trendy like all the other cute little
hostess-types that they hired ... and she
was a friend of someone who knew
someone. She came with a very good
recommendation, but, um, yeah. That's
the only time! In the two years of working
there, I never worked with a black
server.
The peculiar language used by this respondent, indicating that the
young hostess was "allowed" to work at the restaurant, is
worth noting. Perhaps this is to suggest that she would be prohibited
from holding that position if she did not meet the criteria of being
cute, thin, and trendy. In short, despite her skin color, she was enough
like all the other "cute little hostess-types" and recommended
through a personal contact for the job. (38)
In their totality, these study findings suggest a pattern of
differential hiring practices and a form of steering employees toward
different positions. At the same time, many respondents had been able to
successfully navigate their employment within the restaurant without
having to examine how privilege may have played a role in their own
hiring or how their racial identity marked their positions within the
restaurant. Nearly all respondents worked in the front of the house, and
they consequently had had little opportunity to work side by side with
people of color. That situation reinforced certain prejudicial
attitudes, as explained next.
Setting the Backstage for a Culture of White Servers
The "behind the scenes" or backstage context of the
culture of workers is shaped by the dichotomous racial composition of
front- and back-of-the-house positions. The interview data reveal that a
"culture of white servers" exists in the restaurants described
in our sample. In this culture, white servers relate to each other in
sharing the experience of dealing directly with customers and working
for tips. Differential access to server positions excludes people of
color from joining the ranks of this culture of white servers, as many
respondents revealed. As one server pointed out, "There are a lot
of racial divides in the restaurant."
Respondents shared that these divides provided a means by which
white servers were able to actively exclude themselves from other
workers backstage, using a private racial language that was deliberately
hidden from people of color and from managers. The racial language
reflected a relatively widespread anti-black belief system that took the
form of the use of racial code words and a reliance on racial
stereotypes to guide the level of service black Americans would receive.
The interview data cited numerous examples of how white workers actively
engaged in backstage racial and stereotypical language to denigrate
black American diners and how this shaped their front-stage dining
experiences.
Canadians, Cousins, Moolies, and "White People"
We found that many of the restaurant workers described in this
study actively engaged in racially based coding of people, actions, and
ideas. This backstage, codified racial language is consistent with Toni
Morrison's term "race talk," meaning coding primarily
used to degrade "others"--that is, people of color. (39) One
respondent spoke directly about servers' use of racial language in
backstage areas:
It's only behind closed doors. Like, you
know, like they would never go out into
like "the real world" and, you know, like
call somebody a "nigger," or anything
like that. Like they wouldn't do that. It's
not that type of overt, prejudiced racism.
But it is a closed-door joking, kidding
around.
That assessment of the backdrop by which white servers can openly
share racist sentiments among other white servers begins to reveal the
backstage existence of race talk in the restaurant. To avoid using the
term nigger even in the restaurant's backstage, white servers in
one respondent's restaurant used the word Canadians as a code word
for black Americans, as follows:
When a table, you know, a black table
were to come into the restaurant, a lot of
people ... there's a code word at my restaurant
that's called "Canadian," and so,
being a hostess, I get asked a lot by the
servers, don't seat me with "Canadians.'"
And that's known throughout the restaurant
as "don't seat me with black people"
because they're not tipped well or
they don't tip well and you know, you're
just gonna, it's just gonna be an aggravation,
and that's what the general consensus
in the restaurant is, is that it's just
gonna be a big aggravation to have that
table sit in your section because it's
gonna be a waste of time for you.
Other respondents cited the identical use of that term or words
like it in other restaurants. Code words included cousins, moolies, and
even white people. (40) When asked, most respondents could not explain
the possible origin of the code words. Deciphering what the code words
meant was described as part of the informal employee
"training." One respondent explained the nonliteral use of the
term white people in the backstage areas of her restaurant:
You had to kind of, like try to ... read
between the lines so you could figure out
what people were saying. We had a couple
of servers, a lot--well, quite a few
servers, who would come back to the
back stage area and would say, "I hate
white people." I remember the first time
I heard that; I thought, "that is kind of
striking." And then I noticed that [those
servers] were serving a black family, for
example. So that became a racially
coded way in which they could express
their racist sentiment yet still do it in a
nonracist way. So it just became this
kind of racist schizophrenia.
The "racist schizophrenia" noted by that respondent shows
use of racial code words in presenting oneself as nonracist. White
servers can use code words openly and appear nonracist while still
harboring negative racist sentiments. (41) As such, "speaking nasty
about black people" can be done with ease as black customers and
employees are not privy to the words' meanings. (42)
When other respondents in the sample were questioned about the
existence of code words, one hostess recalled that there was not
necessarily a use of code words but a more discreet form of coding. She
shared,
Servers would come up and say ...
"don't seat me with 'these people'"
instead of just saying, "don't seat me
with 'black people.'"
Another respondent's answer highlighted that among some
workers, there was little need for words in code. Servers would say
directly, "don't seat me with black people," instead of
using terms to conceal their prejudice. In nearly all of the interviews,
racial coding was linked to the pervasive derogatory stereotyping of
black American diners.
Stereotyping of Black American Customers
Stereotypes of black American customers ranged from the types of
foods they would order ("chicken fingers" and "free
waters") to the alleged breaking of "acceptable" customer
roles. As one server explained, "They [black customers] tend to be
very snappy, and 'do this, do this,' like
"ma'am,' snap in your face, and then don't leave you
any tip, so most people don't want to serve them willingly."
In every one of the interviews, the shared sentiment and "common
knowledge" among white restaurant workers was that black Americans
do not tip well, and as such, servers should "not waste their
time" on these customers. (43)
Although there is some research suggesting that there may be ethnic
tipping differences and that black Americans tend to tip less than white
Americans, our study elucidates possible tipping differences in the
context of everyday racism." (44) Indeed, as we explain next, many
respondents articulated how stereotypes regarding black American
customers shaped the prejudices of white servers and justified the
numerous accounts of discriminatory actions reported in the interviews.
Attitudes Shaping Action
As we indicated above, in all of our interviews, tables of black
diners were described as the most unwelcome of restaurant clientele,
with servers going as far as to tell hostesses at the beginning of work
shifts, "Oh, if a black table comes in, don't give it to me.
Give it to so and so.... I don't want it." If a server was not
able to get his or her way with a hostess, servers would often come up
with other methods for dealing with "unwanted" tables directed
toward hostesses: "Do you hate me or something?"; "I
don't understand. Did I do something wrong?"; and "I hope
you're glad that I won't be making any money tonight!"
From a hostess's perspective, servers were described as
"really pissed off like it's our fault that we sat them, you
know, with a table that is gonna tip them poorly." One respondent
recalled being harassed by angry white servers: "Everyone yelled at
me when I gave [a black table] to them." Another shared the
following:
When servers get aggravated at this restaurant
they tend to ... want to want to
yell and take it out on me and things like
that. Not at me personally, but like the
hostess staff, they'll come up and be
like, "Gosh, why did you seat me at that
table?" ... you know, just that automatic
reaction, "Oh, you sat me with a black
table."
The use of "hushed tones" and "silent looks"
was also shared as a tactic used to keep racist sentiment private while
still conveying an unwillingness to serve black customers. Two
respondents recalled how servers would express this refusal when black
diners would enter:
You know, when they see them walking
with who seats them, if they're standing
at the servers' station behind me I'll
hear, hear them whisper somethin' like,
"Not my section. Not my section." And
they'll give me, you know, kind of like
"eyes" as I'm walking them back
through the restaurant. Kind of, you
know, give me a look. And it's kind of
like a "Don't seat them in my section"
type look that they give.
I know a couple of servers who will get
very mad if a hostess even seats them a
black table.... I know a couple of servers
who ... get very upset. I'm friends
with a couple of different hostesses who
have said things about a couple of different
[servers who become angry at them].
I think they kind of make eye contact
when [black customers] are there but
they'll talk to them afterwards.
Here we begin to see a breakdown of hidden and hushed racial
language regarding tipping, as white servers assume that white hostesses
should share the anti-black sentiment and also empathize with their
negative attitudes by not seating black customers in their sections.
"Pass the Table"
Many respondents suggested that servers viewed a table of black
American diners as a punishment delivered by hostesses or by other
servers, who would try to rid themselves of the duty. One server shared
that her white coworkers would "beg me to take [a black table] away
from them if I was waitressing myself." Other respondents
elaborated on the ritual. One called it "the servers' game of
'Pass the Table.'" Another respondent described how
servers in her restaurant would try to "make deals" and
"swap tables" when they did not want to serve black customers.
One hostess explained how this "game" worked:
A black table would come in and sit
down. Generally what would happen is
that a waiter is assigned a section of
tables and whenever someone sits in
that section they're responsible for that
table. They would try to have somebody
else take it, you know, "I'll do this," "I'll
give you my next so and so table if you do
this."
Another server added, "I've heard remarks from other
servers ... 'Uh, I don't want to take that table 'cause
they're black--they won't tip' whatever, you know."
While servers play Pass the Table, dissatisfactory service has already
begun. The precedent is set for the rest of the dining experience. As
such, empirical examinations of potential tipping differences must
provide a sufficient degree of context regarding the customers'
experience.
Service with a Smirk
When one server was asked what would happen when servers would have
to take an unwanted table, she commented, "I think that if they
have to take the table, I think that they just give them the minimal....
I don't think they go out of their way, I don't think they go
out of their way to be friendly. I think they just do it, because they
have to, basically." Another server reflected the following
sentiment: "Sometimes the people [servers] who would take care of
them [black American diners] wouldn't give the best service because
they didn't think they were going to tip well." In that vein,
another said that the potential for poor service is evident:
I could see how they would say that [i.e.,
that black Americans face racial discrimination];
I know that when servers
get a black table they are not particularly
happy. They're approaching that table
thinking that they already have a bad tip.
So, why give someone good service to
try to prove you wrong when it's so
much easier to have them prove you
right?
Many of the respondents in the study talked at length about a
hostile racial climate toward black diners and described a backstage
where white servers' stereotypical beliefs took shape in the form
of neglect and poor service. One respondent commented,
I think they're [black American diners]
treated poorly.... It seems like the ones
[servers] that have that attitude going in,
get poor tips.... I do think that the people
with the racist sentiments going into
it do place those on their tables and on
the service that they give to them [black
American diners].
This respondent and several others appeared to recognize a
self-fulfilling prophecy--that if restaurant personnel believe that
black Americans tip less and are therefore less deserving of equal
service, servers may then, in fact, provide inferior service (which
would then, theoretically, lead to "substandard" tipping
behavior. (45) One server spoke at length about that negative cycle:
The servers that are getting the bad tips
from black tables are the ones who go
into it thinking they're getting a bad tip
so they're not giving the right service ...
the best service they can. So it's like a
big cycle.... And it's really aggravating
to me because I think it just perpetuates
their opinion of black customers.... If
you give them bad service 'cause you
have that idea going into it, then they're
going to tip you poorly! I do think that
the people with racist sentiments going
into it place those on the table and in the
service that they give to them.
When they give poor service to black diners (and therefore merit a
small tip), white servers are able to confirm their preconceived notions
of black Americans' tipping habits. Those servers feel
"burned" and contribute their experiences to the shared
discourse among fellow (white) servers. Not only are these
self-fulfilling