Abstract
This article presents an argument for the application of
libertarian principles to environmental law. An environmental
libertarian strategy is based on abstract, generally applicable rules
and the right of individuals to be free from the interference of
others--which, when reconciled with the concept of ecological
citizenship, includes the right to ecosystem conditions unchanged by the
actions of fellow human beings. Two trends illustrate the
ineffectiveness of modern environmental law: the acceleration of
ecosystem decline, and the growth of arbitrariness in environmental
regulation. The conflation of libertarian premises and ecological
protection is contrary to conventional wisdom, but their reconciliation
would limit the use of discretionary power in environmental governance
and thus make it possible to stem the incremental alteration of
ecosystems by human action. The article concludes that libertarian
theory calls for ecosystem protection; and that ecosystem protection can
be accomplished most effectively when pursued in a manner consistent
with libertarian principles.
On presente dans cet article une plaidoirie en faveur de
l'application des principes libertaires au droit environnemental.
Une strategie environnementale libertaire se fonde sur des regles
abstraites qui s'appliquent habituellement et sur le droit des
personnes a etre libres de l'ingerence des autres--ce qui,
lorsqu'on fait le rapprochement avec le concept de citoyennete
ecologique, comprend le droit a des ecosystemes dont l'etat
n'est pas modifie par les activites de ses semblables. Deux
tendances illustrent l'inefficacite des lois environnementales
modernes: l'acceleration du declin des ecosystemes et
l'accroissement de l'arbitraire en matiere de reglementation
environnementale. L'association de principes libertaires et de
protection ecologique est contraire aux idees recues, mais leur
rapprochement limiterait l'utilisation du pouvoir discretionnaire
en matiere de gouvernance environnementale et permettrait d'enrayer
la degradation progressive des ecosystemes attribuable aux activites des
humains. L'auteur de cet article conclut que la theorie libertaire
exige la protection des ecosystemes; et que la maniere la plus efficace
de realiser la protection des ecosystemes consiste a y appliquer les
principes libertaires.
Key Words
Environmental law, ecological citizenship, libertarianism,
ecosystems, rule of law
Introduction
In this article, I argue that environmentalists and libertarians
should be allies rather than opponents. This proposition flies in the
face of conventional wisdom, which suggests that these two perspectives
are incompatible. Libertarians generally disapprove of state
intervention other than for the limited purposes of maintaining peace
and enabling the operation of markets, whereas environmentalists often
maintain that unfettered markets are to blame for ecological
deterioration, and place primary importance upon ecosystem health. In
this article, I suggest that these two perspectives have much to offer
each other and can be reconciled in a manner that achieves the aims of
both. Indeed, the link is far stronger than mere tolerance. In the pages
that follow, I set out the basic elements of the argument that
libertarian theory calls for ecosystem protection; and that ecosystem
protection can be accomplished most effectively when undertaken in a
manner that is consistent with libertarian principles. The fulcrum of
this argument is the concept of ecological citizenship.
Context: Defects in Modern Environmental Law
Two nightmares and the role of discretionary judgment calls
Two nightmares are proceeding in lock step. The first is the
acceleration of ecosystem decline, threatening to produce environmental
disaster. The second is the growth of arbitrariness in environmental law
and policy, threatening to produce technocratic tyranny.
These two crises are directly related. The first is the
justification for the second, and the second is one of the causes of the
first. Each particular instance of environmental decline caused by human
activity creates a call for intervention; and each particularized
intervention contributes to a system of debilitating indeterminacy that
is incapable of stemming the tide of ecosystem degradation.
This relationship reflects the paradox of modern environmental law:
the more individual freedoms are curbed by a statist technocracy in the
name of environmental protection, the more likely ecological
deterioration becomes. The prevailing wisdom about environmental
governance is that it is necessary to restrict individual freedoms for
the benefit of common environmental interests. Environmental quality is
thought to be a public good threatened by action taken in pursuit of
individual self-interest (see e.g. Hardin 1969). Therefore, strong
environmental protection is thought to require an interventionist state
bureaucracy. Under the present rubric, the solution to environmental
degradation is fewer individual liberties, more discretion in the hands
of central planners and decision-makers, and less adherence to the rule
of law. Unfortunately, prevailing strategies not only subject citizens
to the dangers and uncertainties of political and bureaucratic abuse but
ensure that ecological decline will occur. They fail to provide the
protections of a precedent-based system of justice in which legislatures
make general rules, administrators carry them out, and courts apply them
to particular cases; and paradoxically, these strategies also fail to
stem the tide of ecological deterioration.
Growth in discretion-based legal administration is not limited to
environmental law, but has become one of the characteristics of modern
welfare states. Traditionally, legislatures supervised the actions of
the executive branch by prescribing rules and principles in legislation
and granting authority to government agencies to carry them out. Today,
the supervision provided by elected representatives has significantly
declined. Modern statutes grant wide discretion to officials to conceive
and create regulation and public policy, with minimal direction and
little oversight.
What was once generally justified only in time of war or other
emergencies has become increasingly common: the enactment of
legislation with very little opportunity for parliamentary debate
and with both the principles and the detail left initially for the
executive to work out and also subject to change at the executive's
whim (Mullan 2001: 135).
The result is unpredictable, highly discretionary legal
administration, as described in the following passage by Bill Scheuerman
over 10 years ago:
In every capitalist welfare state law takes an increasingly
amorphous and indeterminate form as legal standards like "in the
public interest" or "in good faith" incompatible with classical
liberal conceptions of the legal norm proliferate. Everywhere a
troublesome conflation of traditional parliamentary rulemaking with
situation-specific administrative decrees results; everywhere
bureaucratic and judicial discretion grows. If a minimal demand of
the rule-of-law ideal was always that state action should take a
predictable form, contemporary democracies do poorly living up to
this standard (Scheuerman 1994: 195).
Nowhere is this trend more evident today than in environmental law.
In environmental law the commitment to principles of predictability,
abstraction, and separation of powers has been consistently abandoned.
Without a system of generally applicable environmental rules,
environmental governance becomes largely a matter of discretionary
judgment calls (see e.g. Boyd 2003: 231). (1) Discretionary
decision-making means that any particular decision can be justified by
social, economic, political, cultural, or aesthetic concerns of the
moment, even if they have deleterious long-term effects on ecosystem
function. Environmental decisions thus become political decisions
(Plater 2002). Outcomes are justified as a result of balancing
ecological, social, economic, and aesthetic considerations. Effects
accumulate to produce ecosystem degradation (see e.g. North American
Commission for Environmental Cooperation 2002). Thus, modern
environmental law condones activities that promote or facilitate human
endeavours even if they cumulatively cause ecosystem decline.
The legal relationship between people and nature: The concept of
ecological citizenship
Just as state citizenship denotes a status within the state that
carries rights and obligations, so "ecological citizenship"
suggests an analogous status within ecosystems. At its core is the
relationship between human beings and the ecosystem within which they
live. The term implies that people are citizens of ecosystems--that
human beings are part of, and belong to, the ecological world. However,
to conceive of the relationship in this way within environmental law
leads, I suggest, to a perverse result: the paradox of ecological
citizenship. When legal principles incorporate the idea that humans are
part of nature, the effect is to put short-term human interests ahead of
ecological considerations. If humans are natural, then impacts upon
ecosystems caused by humans can be regarded as natural. Those actions
that serve human needs can be characterized as positive environmental
developments even if they are detrimental to ecosystem characteristics.
If humans are seen to be part of ecosystems, there is no objective,
external environment to harm, but only a subjective state of better or
worse. Conversely, then, in order to compel individual citizens to
behave as though they are part of ecosystems, environmental law must
treat them as though they are separate and apart from the natural world.
The idea that people are part of their environment is already well
established in modern environmental law and policy. It is reflected in a
variety of environmental processes such as environmental assessment,
urban planning, and ecosystem management, and in prominent concepts such
as sustainable development. The consequence of incorporating the
principle that humans are part of nature into law and policy has been
the validation of behaviour which does not conform to ecosystem limits.
Rather than defining limits for humans by reference to ecosystem
characteristics, a conception of nature has been produced that
prioritizes human aspirations. Giving such prominence to human needs
allows environmental decisions to be made on the basis of whether the
effects of any particular activity or development will be
"good" or "bad". Good and bad are terms of
value--and therefore invite assessment that is value-laden. Such
assessments often masquerade as having been based upon "ecological
values", but ecology is the science of systems, not a value system.
Ecosystems have characteristics that are independent from the values
humans project upon them. In a system of balancing, ecosystem function
can be characterized simply as one consideration that should be weighed
against other competing priorities.
Many of the leading ideas in modern environmental law legitimize
balancing ecological considerations against other interests. Sustainable
development is one of the best examples. In 1987, the World Commission
on Environment and Development cited sustainable development as the way
to combat growing global environmental problems and the increasing gap
between rich and poor countries. The Commission defined sustainable
development as "development that meets the needs of the present
without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own
needs" (WCED 1987: 43).
Since then, sustainable development has become one of the leading
principles in international environmental law. (2) Sustainable
development has not established an environmental norm, a basis upon
which to identify an environmental bottom line or a principled way to
choose between conflicting interests. Because it blithely includes
environmental, social, and economic concerns but does not prioritize
them, it encourages and validates the role of political discretion to
decide environmental questions. Sustainable development has been
successfully established as a governing concept in environmental law
precisely because it is vague (Elder 1991, VanderZwaag 1993) and allows
environmental decisions to be made idiosyncratically rather than on the
basis of general, abstract rules (Pederson 1994). Rather than leading to
a new approach, sustainable development reinforces the discretionary,
indeterminate nature of environmental law, thereby contributing to both
trends: incremental environmental decline and arbitrary legal
administration.
Human behaviour that is consistent with natural ecosystem function
requires that lines be drawn in environmental law between human effects
and the natural world. In order for people to behave as ecological
citizens, human needs and wants must be taken out of the equation that
defines environmental limits.
Environmental Libertarianism
An alternative to a highly discretionary, incremental, political
approach to environmental governance is environmental libertarianism.
(3) Under a libertarian framework, environmental law would be capable of
actually protecting ecosystems because libertarianism does not endorse
the use of discretionary power--and the discretionary nature of
environmental law is what prevents it from improving upon the status
quo. An environmental libertarian strategy is based on abstract,
generally applicable rules and the right of the individual to be free of
interference from others--which, when reconciled with the concept of
ecological citizenship, should be defined to include the right to
ecosystem conditions unchanged (4) by the actions of fellow human
beings.
The libertarian version of the rule of law
Like the term "ecological citizenship", the "rule of
law" is capable of a variety of meanings and interpretations. The
libertarian or classical liberal meaning of the rule of law is a system
of governance based upon generally applicable, abstract rules and
limited state discretion, in which government entities are subject to
the same law as the citizenry. "Stripped of all technicalities,
[the rule of law] means that government in all its activities is bound
by rules fixed and announced before-hand--rules which make it possible
to foresee with fair certainty how the authority will use its coercive
powers in given circumstances and to plan one's individual affairs
on the basis of this knowledge" (Hayek 1994: 80).
According to Hayek, in a rule of law system, laws "must be
general, equal and certain" (Hayek 1955: 34). Tamanaha explains the
meaning of these three requirements:
Generality requires that the law be set out in advance in abstract
terms not aimed at any particular individual. The law then applies,
without exception, to everyone whose conduct falls within the
prescribed conditions of application.... Equality requires that the
laws apply to everyone without making arbitrary distinctions among
people. When distinctions do exist (as in male but not female
conscription for armed services), Hayek insisted that to be
legitimate they must be approved by a majority of people inside as
well as outside the group targeted for preferential treatment.
Certainty requires that those who are subject to the law be able to
predict reliably what legal rules will be found to govern their
conduct and how those rules will be interpreted and applied.
Predictability is a necessary aspect of the foreknowledge that
enables freedom of action (Tamanaha 2004: 66).
A legal right is the ability to restrict the liberty of others with
the help of the state (Welling 1996). How the state decides when one
person is entitled to restrict the liberty of another is a matter of
great consequence. If done one way, the state can be a source of
liberty; if done another, it can be a source of arbitrary power and
potential tyranny. An extended discussion of the details of how states
make laws and decide cases is beyond the scope of this article. However,
I will describe some fundamental features of legal decision-making that
are directly relevant to the effectiveness of environmental protection,
and to the protection of the civil liberties of citizens. In traditional
common law systems, conflicts are decided by decision-makers (judges and
juries) who are supposed to be disinterested and uninformed: they have
nothing personally at stake in the case, and know nothing about it other
than what they hear from witnesses in the courtroom. They are to decide
the case by applying general rules to the facts. Those rules are to
apply in the same way regardless of the status, wealth, or popularity of
the parties. The rules come from one of two places (or a combination
thereof): from a legislative authority, which has passed the rules prior
to and without regard to the particular case now under consideration,
thus achieving a separation between the function of rule-making from
that of adjudicating; or from existing case law (the results from
previous cases), thus achieving predictability and judicial limits
through the operation of the principle that like cases should be decided
alike. The successful operation of this system depends upon the use of
abstract rules:
First year law students learn that 'doing law' is about moving from
concrete facts to abstract rules and back again. They learn that a
judicial decision is not just the declaration of a winner from a set
of facts, but that it also reflects a rule or principle that can be
found by abstracting the result. That rule or principle can then be
applied to new concrete situations. This back-and-forth between
concrete and abstract is the heart of the way common law systems
work.... When a precedent is said to be applicable to a set of
facts, it is so because the new case resembles, in some abstract
way, the old one: it is applicable not because both the old case and
the new one involved pregnant women slipping on icy sidewalks in
front of Target stores, but because both involved personal injury
arising from a danger on premises that the occupier failed to
rectify and warn against. Similarly, when a case is said to be
distinguishable, it is different from previous situations in some
abstract respect. If the slip and fall occurred outside Kmart
instead of Target, that is a factual difference, not an abstract
one: it does not affect the applicability of the abstract rule. But
if the sidewalk outside the store was public property rather than
private, a different kind of factor exists in the new case that did
not exist in the old (Pardy 1998: 431).
Moving between concrete and abstract is not limited to the process
of finding and applying precedent, but extends also to the formulation
and application of statutory law. Legislation, when written well,
identifies rules of general application that are abstract to some
extent. Courts or other tribunals then apply those rules to particular
cases, and the process of application gives the statutory terms further
and more precise definition in the context of each case. Both the
statutory provisions and the precedent then apply to subsequent cases
with abstractly similar facts, providing a means by which to predict
what the outcome of each case ought to be.
These mechanisms protect liberty by limiting the power of state
actors. When executed properly, they promote the generality, certainty,
and equal applicability of laws. They restrict the exercise of
discretion by decision-makers, and minimize the influence of political
factors in the outcome of particular cases. Unfortunately, there is
widespread resistance to the application of these principles within
environmental law. Generally applicable rules are rare in the body of
existing laws, and virtually unknown in these laws' application.
Within the scientific, academic, and activist spheres, there is distrust
towards the use of simple, abstract environmental rules and a
precedent-based system of legal decisions. For example, Dan Tarlock
states:
... an effective and long-lasting environmental law cannot be
constructed around a series of abstract substantive principles....
The candidate suite of principles such as advance environmental
impact assessment, polluter pays, precaution, and sustainable
development are useful starting points but they can only serve as
guideposts to structure a dynamic, but inevitably ad hoc, decision
making process (Tarlock 2004: 219).
Tarlock's notion is consistent with the state of modern
environmental law, in which the predominant approach reflects the
conviction that environmental governance:
... must be fact-specific; that different subjects (air, water,
pesticides, waste management, endangered species, and many others)
must have different regulatory regimes; that environmental
decision-makers must have broad discretion (land-use planning,
environmental assessment, ecosystem management, environmental
prosecutions) to weigh conflicting priorities (environmental,
economic, social) to craft appropriate results one situation at a
time; and that environmental outcomes are a proper subject for
consultation with the public and negotiation with industry. It is
thought to be impossible to create an environmental rule that is
both generally applicable in all environmental circumstances and
specific enough to define an environmental bottom line; and that,
even if it were possible to create one, such a rule would be
undesirable (Pardy 2005: 36).
This conviction prevents environmental governance from being
conducted in a manner that is consistent with a libertarian vision of
the rule of law. Without abstract rules, environmental law cannot be
coherent and predictable; without coherence and predictability, it
cannot prevent encroachment upon the natural features of ecosystems. In
its present form, environmental law subjects citizens to the dangers and
uncertainties of political and bureaucratic abuse, and to the
deterioration of the ecosystems within which they live. The current
state of environmental law brings the administration of justice into
question.
Liberty and limits that protect it
Self-determination is the right to identify and pursue one's
own interests, and the right to be free from interference from others.
John Stuart Mill penned the classic passage that contends that the only
justifiable reason to interfere with a person's liberty is to
protect the liberty of others.
... the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or
collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of
their number, is self-protection. That the only purpose for which
power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized
community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others (Mill
1859: 67).
Libertarians are sometimes incorrectly associated with a belief
that there should be no rules of any kind. A complete absence of
coercive rules enforced by the state would produce anarchy, not liberty.
Liberty requires rules to protect people from each other.
"Free" markets require rules that allow the market to
function, such as contract laws that allow voluntary bargains to be
enforced. Thus, liberty does not mean the absence of rules. Instead, it
means rules that protect one from interference from others.
Therefore, liberty requires mutual restrictions in the form of
protection by the state--from the state, and from other people. Without
such laws, some people would dictate to others--through violence or
other means. The law of tort is based upon this proposition: you may do
as you please, but you may not in the exercise of your liberties cause
harm to others. Richard Epstein encapsulates the essence of this idea:
In its crudest and simplest form, the irreducible core of [the law
of tort] can be succinctly expressed: "keep off". This two-word rule
accurately describes the historical and intellectual thrust of much
of the common law: to prevent trespass to land, larceny, murder,
rape, and (by extension) infringement of patents--and indeed
interference with the exchange relationships between parties. It is
amazing how much, even in this age of heightened sensitivity to
sexual harassment, you can learn about interactions between
strangers by remembering to keep your hands to yourself.... This
rule allows people to use, and use productively, the things they own
without your being able to impose your will on them. And you will
have the same freedom relative to them (Epstein 1995: 91-92).
The pivotal question in the law of tort is what is meant by
"harm". Not in all circumstances where the plaintiff feels an
injury does the law recognize that one exists. A person who takes
offence to someone else's actions but suffers no other consequence
has no legal standing to complain (Epstein 2003:87). Nor does business
loss qualify as harm unless it has been brought about in a wrongful way.
For example, an entrepreneur who opens a new convenience store down the
street from a 7-11 will be liable for damages to the 7-11 if she takes a
baseball bat to its storefront windows or if she publishes defamatory
statements about the 7-11's products in the local paper. But if she
simply lowers prices and successfully competes against it, causing it to
lose customers and perhaps even close down, she is liable for nothing.
Traditionally, ecological harm has not fit into the category of
legally recognized personal injury. Unless a plaintiff can show
environmental injury to his own person or property interests, no damage
will be found to exist upon which to base an action even though the
ecosystem in which he lives is being irreversibly transformed by the
actions of others. It makes historical sense that ecosystem
deterioration would not be a category of damage recognized in common
law. The notion of environmental or ecological harm is no older than
ecology itself. Since the concept of the ecosystem was not proposed
until the 1930s and arguably did not seep into the collective psyche
until later, one would not expect early legal actions to have attempted
to prevent environmental harm in the absence of a more typical legal
injury. Today, however, it is possible to state that environmental harm
can have effects on natural systems upon which individuals rely. One
route to the conclusion that individuals should have the right to
undiminished ecosystem conditions is by extrapolation of the principle
of mutually coerced liberty, as considered in the section below.
Ecological citizenship and the right not to be harmed
If one of the most basic rights and obligations of state
citizenship is the right not to be harmed by others, and the
corresponding obligation not to cause harm to others, then ecological
citizenship can be conceived as ecosystem membership that entails
environmental rights and obligations, including the right not to have
others cause ecosystem harm, and the corresponding obligation not to
cause such harm. Implicit within the concept of ecological citizenship
is the notion that individual citizens should conform to the limits of
the ecosystem within which they find themselves--not because it is
morally right, but because it is the right of fellow citizens to be free
from the ecological interference of others.
Ecosystem resilience is a limited characteristic, subject to
depletion. If one individual uses up a portion of a system's
capacity to tolerate disturbance, the loss is experienced by others
living in the same ecosystem. Hence, an individual interferes with
fellow ecosystem citizens when that person uses more than one
"share" of ecological resilience (Pardy 1993). Ecosystem
capacity, like the economy, can be seen as a pie. Unlike the constantly
growing economic pie, however, ecosystem limits cannot be expanded.
Imagine that the ecological pie is sliced into as many pieces as there
are ecological citizens, and each slice is the same size. If any one
person consumes more than her slice, the sizes of the rest of the pieces
must shrink. In the context of ecological citizenship, harm includes
demanding more than one's slice of pie, which has the effect of
diminishing ecosystem services available to the rest of the citizens of
that system. Under this formulation, the right of ecological citizens to
be free from interference and harm from others would consist of the
right to undiminished ecosystem services--their full slice of pie--since
these services are indispensable to human survival, biologically,
economically, and in other ways.
To conform to Hayek's requirements, environmental rules must
be general, certain and equal. They must be sufficiently abstract to
apply to all activities wherever they occur, rather than being aimed at
any particular individual, industry, or enterprise as they presently
tend to be; they must be stated in sufficiently concrete terms to allow
citizens to understand what they are not allowed to do; and they must
express the same limit for all (see e.g. Pardy 2005). Envisioning
ecological citizenship in a manner consistent with libertarian
conceptions of the rule of law requires broad, precise environmental
limits that apportion environmental capacity equally amongst human
members of an ecosystem.
Conclusion
An environmental libertarian strategy is based on abstract,
generally applicable rules and the right of individuals to be free from
the interference of others--which, when reconciled with the concept of
ecological citizenship, includes the right to ecosystem conditions
unchanged by the actions of fellow human beings. In the absence of such
change, two nightmares continue to progress--the acceleration of
ecosystem decline, and the growth of bureaucratic discretion. An
environmental libertarian approach is capable of achieving a form of
ecological citizenship in which individuals have the right to protect
ecosystems from being transformed by the actions of others, the
obligation not to cause such transformation to the detriment of others,
and the protections of pre-defined, predictable legal administration.
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Bruce Pardy is an associate professor in the Faculty of Law at
Queen's University, where he teaches and writes about environmental
law and torts, including such topics as ecosystem management, water law,
sustainable development, the precautionary principle, and climate
change. He has taught at Victoria University of Wellington, Seattle
University School of Law, California Western School of Law, and the
University of Western Ontario, practiced litigation at Borden Ladner
Gervais LLP, and presently sits on Ontario's Environmental Review
Tribunal. He can be reached at pardyb@queensu.ca
(1) Even pollution limits and other environmental standards that
appear in statutes and regulations as absolute prohibitions can be
highly variable in their application because their enforcement is
discretionary. In much the same way that a posted speed limit of 100km/h
does not mean that all cars travel the highway at less than 100km/h,
reference to the legally allowable limits of contaminants in air,
drinking water, and so on does not provide an indication of what air and
water actually contain. But unlike posted highway speed, the application
of environmental standards is so variable that often they do not even
provide a dependable benchmark of the state of actual environmental
contamination.
(2) For example, the 1992 Rio Declaration on Environment and
Development articulated 27 principles directed at achieving sustainable
development. Several environmental conventions and other international
instruments refer to sustainability and sustainable development as
guiding principles. See, e.g., Convention on Environmental Impact
Assessment in a Transboundary Context, 25 February 1991, 30 I.L.M. 800
(1991); Convention on Biological Diversity, 5 June 1992, 31 I.L.M. 818
(1992) (entered into force 29 December 1993); United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change, 29 May 1992, 31 I.L.M. 849 (1992) (entered
into force 21 March 1994); Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change, 11 December 1997,
FCCC/CP/1997/L.7/Add.1.
(3) I use the term "libertarian" rather than
"liberal" or "classical liberal" because, although
these schools of thought have common roots and premises, in the modern
era the label "liberal" has attracted connotations far removed
from its original emphasis on individual liberty and limited government.
Of course, there are different versions of liberalism and
libertarianism, but the distinctions occur at a level of detail not
pertinent for the purposes of this article.
(4) By "unchanged", I mean ecosystem conditions that are
not thrown out of equilibrium by human impact; or ecosystem change that
is natural rather than produced through human action. For a detailed
development and explanation of this proposition, see Pardy (2005).
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