One of the most resonant and multilayered terms in our English
language is the word landscape. Landscape cuts down beyond the level of
vocabulary into concept, beyond concept into perception, and beyond
perception into philosophy. So based on this premise, the premise that
individual words are not trivial, I want to explore landscape before I
attach it to ecology.
Like many English words, this one seems to have multiple and
simultaneous origins. The suffix "scape" derives from an old
Germanic verb meaning "to create." That original old German
term also morphed into another suffix, "-ship," which means a
condition of being or a position, such as membership, friendship or
township. At some point in scape's existence, it morphed into an
Anglo Saxon version, which was "scipe," and also into an Old
Dutch term "Schap." So we are going to follow
"schap" in its peregrinations, as it combines to form the
Dutch word landschap, which first appeared in the late 1500's, and
which referred to a tract of land. As far as I can tell, landschap
immediately took on some cultural baggage, as it evolved to refer to a
group of local people banding together in common purpose, which in this
case, was to reclaim land from the sea. So right away, you can
understand how this ambiguity, this vagueness about where people end and
land begins, bundled itself into the very earliest uses of the word
landscape. Equally early on, in 1603 as a matter of fact, the word
landscape was pre-empted by artists and turned into an adjective to
describe an artistic genre. "Landscape painting," which the
Dutch pioneered and excelled at, came to mean "painting
representing natural scenery." Interestingly, it is this painterly
definition of the term landscape that migrated into the English
language, and morphed into the term we use today. So our language first
appropriated the term in its aesthetic identity. It was only later that
we came to use the word to define its contemporary and conventional
meaning, that is, "a tract of land together with its distinguishing
characteristics." Thus we were first introduced to landscapes
through painting, and only afterwards did we recognize them in real
life. Still later yet, all the way into the 1930's, landscape saw
its first use as "landscaping," i.e., the laying out of lawns,
gardens and trees for the purpose of beautification.
A couple of side notes on the word before I leave it.
Interestingly, the word "escape" has a totally different
origin than the word "landscape." And of course, our modern
appropriations of scape, in the form of "seascape,"
"viewscape," "netscape" and so on, are totally
wrongheaded. But in the crazy world of words, once there is a general
and common understanding of a word's meaning, rightness and
wrongness play absolutely no part.
As an example of this, I used to take umbrage when I heard
individuals use the incorrect phrase "mute point," when they
should have said "moot point," which is the correct phrase.
But then when I realized I was hearing the incorrect version more often
than the correct one, I knew it was time go mute on moot. In language,
what is used is what is correct. But I will make one exception. One does
hear the phrase "administrative landscape" occasionally,
particularly in government circles. I find this totally offensive and a
gross misappropriation of a lovely word into mindless bureaucratese.
So the fact that English-speaking people were first introduced to
the word--and the concept--of landscape through the medium of painting,
and only later applied it to real life, is a nice introduction to the
conceit of this paper, which is that wild nature and human society are
hopelessly and dynamically tangled, that our perceptions of nature
change over time and space and culture, and that in the end, in spite of
our western scientific habit of mind which steadfastly rejects any role
for culture-based subjectivity, that this is a good tangle, a meaningful
one, and the discipline of landscape ecology, which places that
culturally loaded term, that icon of perception, right in its very
title, might as well take ownership of the tangle.
Landscape painting itself is a good way to demonstrate the
culture-bound subjectivity of landscape perception. The earliest
European landscape painters did not even dream of painting natural
landscapes--these were not considered objects of beauty--in fact just
the opposite. So they painted gardens. And the earliest gardens were
those highly formal, geometric affairs of clipped hedges and symmetrical
beds of roses, all enclosed by high walls. But, just like landscape
painting, gardens evolved too, from closed and formal, to open and
formal, and then to open and informal, where you might say we are now.
And currently, the gardening and landscaping sector is taking small
steps in the direction of open and wild, of emulating nature with native
plantings and xeriscaping. So if you take the garden (and here I'm
using the term in the broadest sense) as the most common expression of
"outdoors" as opposed to "indoors," or
"outside" as opposed to "inside," you can see how
its historical evolution is directional; wild nature steadily gains
aesthetic legitimacy over time. The same evolution can be seen in
landscape painting. I think it is probably fruitless to ask whether the
garden designers or the painters were driving this evolutionary process.
Chances are they fed off each other.
It is an instructive exercise to look at historical paintings of
one's home area--in my case the BC Interior--to remind oneself how
mutable our visions of landscape are. There is a delightful painting of
the Upper Columbia River north of Invermere, with the Rockies in the
background, done by the Englishman Sir Henry James Warre, in the
1840's. Along the wild banks of the Columbia he has depicted what
looks very suspiciously like an English oak tree.
In the 1860's, Milton and Cheadle, two more English
adventurers, passed through the Thompson River Valley near present day
Kamloops. They were struck by the parallel glacial terraces along the
hillsides, so one of them did an elaborate sketch depicting these. The
result looks like a drug-induced science fiction landscape, of barren,
perfectly conical hills arising at random from the valley floor, with
level terraces sculpted into them.
In 1692, the young Irish explorer Henry Kelsey stumbled out of the
forests around present-day Nipawin, Saskatchewan, and saw the grasslands
that extended to the southern horizon and beyond. Kelsey, the first
European to see the magnificent Canadian prairies, was distinctly
unimpressed, and his journal entry was dismissive. He wrote, "over
this plain in three days we passed, and saw nothing but beast and
grass." Henry Kelsey avoided the prairies and couldn't wait to
get back into the bush, because his cultural framework--in fact his
whole life--revolved around the beaver, and he saw the prairies as one
vast beaver-less wasteland.
Moving beyond these examples, there is another manifestation of
this cultural subjectivity about nature and landscapes, one that has
gotten us into a fair bit of trouble. And that is our conception of the
western wilderness.
The common understanding of wilderness as a concept originates
largely from American writers, artists and explorers of the early
1800's, as they described, painted and photographed the West. These
observers saw a severely depopulated region, as a result of the smallpox
pandemics of a century before. They experienced landscapes where the
normally active land and resource management activities of the
aboriginal people had been stilled for a hundred years. Burning activity
had nearly ceased. Agriculture had ceased. And big game populations had
skyrocketed, as the normally very heavy hunting pressure on them had
been removed.
Imagine the state of mind of these same Western observers. They
were full of Manifest Destiny, eager to shuck off the tired religions
and philosophies of Europe. The North American West was truly the New
World, and its magnificent mountains and valleys and forests and plains
became their new cathedrals. Together, they took a collective cultural
photograph of the looming Rockies, the ramparts of Yellowstone and the
giant sequoias, and said, "this is virgin nature, unspoiled by the
hand of man, in perfect balance and frozen in time: this is
Wilderness." Soon after that native peoples were further decimated,
herded onto Reserves, and then another, equally incorrect but more
self-serving national myth was created, the myth of the noble savage,
living in perfect harmony with nature, floating passively across the
landscape but never manipulating it.
Thus these first explorers and writers totally misread the Western
landscape, failed to recognize the anthropogenic influences on it, and
failed to realize how dynamic it actually was.
Canadians more or less adopted this romantic American version of
wilderness as grandiose, spiritually uplifting, untouched by humans,
overrun by elk, and frozen in time. Fire, which is an essential part of
these dry western ecosystems, came to be seen as the devil's spawn.
The most successful marketing campaign in the entire history of
advertising, which is Smokey the Bear, is a direct outgrowth of that
flawed understanding of wilderness.
But the paradigm has begun to shift. It is not surprising that the
concept of disturbance ecology, which is rapidly becoming a cornerstone
of landscape ecology, is stirring up lots of controversy. Disturbance
ecology tells us that ecological processes are as important, and in many
cases more important, than the physical ecosystem itself. The integrity
of the landscape, in other words, is dependent on the integrity of the
landscape's processes. And paramount among these processes is
disturbance: the fires, the floods, the microbursts, the ice storms, the
beetle invasions, the droughts and the landslides. All those things we
have traditionally defined as natural disasters. So as we emphasize the
landscape scale in the study and management of habitats, environments
and resource exploitation, we need also to emphasize landscape-scale
disturbance processes, seeking to accommodate the minor ones and create
less destructive analogues for the more devastating ones.
As I browse through the literature of landscape ecology, I see a
preoccupation with scale--of choosing the precise grain or patch size
that best represents the way that ecosystems drape themselves across the
landscape. I suspect that some of this preoccupation results from the
fact that, as a culture, we are not bonded to the landscape the way less
technologically indulged cultures are. I don't imagine an African
bushman or Australian aborigine spends much time worrying about grain or
patch size, whereas we obsess endlessly about scale, since we lack an
organic bond to the landscape.
I think landscape ecology works best when it is accompanied by a
sense of place, but that means a difficult marriage between the hard
science of ecology and the soft, mushy concepts of psychology and
spirituality.
Pursuing this notion of a sense of place, I have speculated on the
spectacular growth of the wine industry here in British Columbia's
Okanagan, and elsewhere as well. I think I have found the answer in the
concept of "terroir," that redolent French term that describes
the climatic, geological and cultural factors that come together to make
the wine from one particular place different from that of another.
Terroir is partly a scientific concept, and partly a statement of faith,
but the bottom line is that wine is a uniquely local, place-based
product and we, of this increasingly rootless technological society,
have seized upon wine as a kind of romantic return to our lost sense of
place. Late last Fall, I had an opportunity to go to a group wine
tasting at a local winery. As we stood on the deck overlooking the
vineyard, sipping our pinot gris, listening to the quail and watching
night fall over the Okanagan Valley, we were imbibing the very blood and
spirit of that mountainside, of that particular place. It didn't
matter that the grape stock was from France, the corks from Portugal and
the quail from California, it was a local moment, a moment in place.
One might argue that achieving a detailed understanding of
landscape ecology is a far less important task than instilling a very
basic and rudimentary landscape sensibility--a sense of place--into our
contemporary culture. The looming issue of climate change may in fact
demand that we take this task on.
I think it is fair to say that we are approaching endgame in some
aspects of our relationship to nature, and it is time to start talking.
We have fished, as UBC fisheries scientist Daniel Pauly says, a long way
down the ecological food chain. When we have put so many synthesized
human reproductive hormones into our waters that we are altering fish
spawning cycles, it is time to start talking. When the vegetarian Robert
Bateman, who lives in the pristine environment of Salt-spring Island,
finds half a hundred alien compounds in his body, it is time to start
talking. It is time to talk boldly and forthrightly about the dynamics
and deficiencies in our current relationship to nature. But that means
delving into the messy and uncomfortable world of perception, culture,
aesthetics, ritual and spirituality. As landscape ecologists, we have a
headstart on this task, because we work within a discipline whose very
name is a fusion of nature, artifice and aesthetics. And when we get
muddled and start losing our way forward, which is inevitable, we can
step back, take a deep breath, and remember the root definitions of the
word landscape: union, beauty, place, condition of being.
Don Gayton, M.Sc, P.Ag, is an ecologist with FORREX in Summerland,
British Columbia. His work specialization is in grassland and dry forest
ecosystems, and he has a particular interest in long-term vegetation
monitoring. Don is also a published author, with three books of
nonfiction and several technical articles to his credit.
COPYRIGHT 2006 Wilfrid Laurier
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