Abstract
Prespa National Park, located in the northwest corner of Greece, is
a unique environment with significant natural and cultural elements that
are being seriously threatened. The past symbiotic relationship between
the natural environment and the local communities located within the
park boundaries has changed with the advent of agricultural
intensification and the switch from mixed farming methods to a bean
monoculture. Irrigation works have drained valuable wetland area and
have favoured agricultural land use next to the wetland over previous
use of upslope plots. The local communities face many remote rural area
problems, such as depopulation; inadequate services; sense of social
isolation; impoverishment of biodiversity; a low level of professional
skills; and difficulty marketing products. Park infrastructure is
non-existent and there is a lack of cooperation between the many
agencies and levels of government that have jurisdiction over the park.
This case study attempts to examine stakeholder perspectives and human
ecological interactions in order to better understand the sources of
conflict and environmental problems in the area.
Le parc national de Prespa, situe dans le coin nord-ouest de la
Grece, est un environnement exceptionnel dont les importants aspects
naturels et culturels sont serieusement menaces. L'ancienne
relation symbiotique entre les collectivites locales situees a
l'interieur des limites du parc et l'environnement naturel a
change depuis l'avenement de l'intensification de
l'agriculture et le passage de la polyculture a la monoculture de
la feve. Des travaux d'irrigation ont draine de precieux milieux
humides et favorise l'utilisation de terres agricoles pres des
zones humides au detriment des lots en pente ascendante. Les
collectivites locales font face a de nombreux problemes propres aux
zones rurales eloignees, tels le depeuplement, les services inadequats,
un sentiment d'isolement social, l'appauvrissement de la
biodiversite, le faible niveau des habiletes professionnelles, et les
difficultes de commercialisation des produits. Le parc n'a pas
d'infrastructures, et il existe un manque de collaboration entre
les nom breux organismes et niveaux de gouvernement qui y ont
juridiction. Cette etude de cas tente d'examiner les perspectives
des intervenants et les interactions biotiques humaines afin de mieux
comprendre les sources des conflits et les problemes environnementaux de
cette region.
Keywords
Prespa National Park, Greece, NGOs, stakeholder analysis, culture
and conservation
Introduction
Environmental, resource, and protected area management are
characterized by problem solving and decision-making in regard to
natural resources, including the management of human interactions with
these resources. The inextricable linkages between social and ecological
systems have become increasingly recognized in the past decade. Slocombe
(1993) asserts that understanding the state and dynamics of the
ecological and institutional aspects of an ecosystem is essential for
determining the obstacles against more sustainable management practices.
According to McNeely (1994) detailed knowledge of the people whose lives
are affected by the establishment and management of protected areas is
as important to protected area management as information on the plant
and animal species to be conserved. Lee (1995) suggests that the quest
for sustainable development requires a better appreciation of
humans' relationships with the environment and amongst each other.
Conflicts in resource and environmental management are usually over
values, either ecological or human, rather than clashes over numbers
(Sexton, 1998). Frequently, there is a serious incompatibility of views
among regulatory agencies, affected communities, businesses and
environmental groups (Grimble and Wellard, 1997). Local cultural
contexts can play a significant role in shaping beliefs and perceptions
concerning environmental values and conservation (Floyd et al., 1997).
Investigations into the historical and contemporary land use patterns of
an area, and the attitudes and aspirations of resident people can
contribute to the understanding of people-park conflicts (Peters, 1999).
Thus, the identification of key stakeholder attitudes, beliefs, and
values could be an important first step in determining the future
directions for specific protected area planning and management projects.
This paper attempts to identify the fundamental roles and
perspectives of different stakeholder groups in Prespa National Park
located in northern Greece in order to better understand the basis of
environmental problems and conflicts in the area. Through an overview of
the study area and a discussion of interactions between different groups
and with their environment this paper provides a snapshot of the variety
of factors that may influence future park management goals and
initiatives.
This research is a part of a master's thesis study undertaken
by the author. Fieldwork was conducted between June and August 2001 with
the author living in local villages located both inside and outside the
park boundaries. The author has ancestral connections to the area
through her maternal grandparents and spent part of her stay with
relatives in the village Andartiko, which is located in the Prespa
municipality, but not within the park borders. The author perceived her
acceptance by some of the local people in the area was aided by this
heritage and her ability to communicate in Greek. Familial connections
also afforded her the opportunity to be introduced to certain key
individuals, such as the park warden. Efforts were made to use an
interpretive approach, focusing on trying to learn the perspectives of
local groups. The investigative process included a review of the
reports, government documents, and literature concerning the national
park and related issues; participant observation, particularly with
respect to community dynamics; and 34 open ended, informal interviews,
which included individuals from associated government bodies,
non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and local communities.
Case Study Background
Prespa National Park is located in the northwest corner of Greece
bordering the Former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and
Albania (Figure 1). The Greek government officially declared Lake Mikri
Prespa and a peripheral zone as a National Park in 1974 (IUCN, 1987).
Lake Mikri Prespa is one of eleven Greek wetland complexes designated as
Wetlands of International Importance under the Ramsar Convention (IUCN,
1987). Prespa National Park is also recognized as an Area of Exceptional
Natural Beauty (Greek Ministerial Decision A/931/23211/1747/1975), a
Special Protection Area under the 79/409 European Economic Community
(EEC) Bird Directive, and a constituent of the Natura 2000 network under
the 92/43 European Union (EU) Directive for the conservation of natural
habitats and wild fauna and natural flora.
Greece has ten National Parks, designated between 1938 and 1974,
which cover about 0.56 percent of the total land area of the country.
The Greek statutory protection for National Parks (Law 998/1971) was
passed in 1971 and remains largely unchanged and in use today
(Papageorgiou and Brotherton, 1999). A special park authority to deal
only with park issues does not exist in Greece. The main authority
charged with nature conservation and administration of National Parks is
the Forest Service through its district offices. The Forest Service has
limited personnel and funds, with other forestry activities and
responsibilities such as logging and forest road construction, being
prioritized over park administration and conservation issues (Trakolis,
2001). The focus of park management in Greece has been on establishing
prohibitive measures with little history of local community
participation or of developing park strategies as part of regional
planning (Papageorgiou, 2001).
On World Wetlands Day in February of 2000, a new transboundary
Prespa Park was officially announced by Albania, Greece and FYROM. This
55,830 ha reserve, containing the two Prespa lakes, is the first
transboundary protected area in the Balkans (WWF, 2000) and includes the
Greek Prespa National Park, which is the focus of this study. At the
present time, information concerning the transboundary park--especially
the Albanian and FYROM portions--is limited and difficult to obtain.
Prespa National Park covers 256 [km.sup.2] of which approximately
43.5 [km.sup.2] and 37.64 [km.sup.2] are the Greek portions of Lake
Mikri Prespa (shared with Albania) and Lake Megali Prespa (shared with
Albania and FYROM), respectively (Pyrovetsi and Gerakis, 1987). The
climate shows characteristics of a hot and dry Mediterranean type during
the summer (July 23.6[degrees]C) and Mid-European type during the winter
with long periods of high rainfall, snow, increased cloudiness and low
temperatures (January 0.8[degrees]C) (Hollis and Stevenson, 1997). The
park lies in a mountainous region where the altitude ranges from 853 m
to 2177 m above sea level. Limestones and dolomites dominate the
catchment geology on the western and southern sides of Mikri Prespa,
while on the eastern side granites and gneisses predominate (Kosmas et
al., 1997). The number and diversity of animal species in Prespa is
commonly attributed to the high variety of habitats, the existence of
relatively large areas with shallow water around the lake and the
existence of mountainous habitats nearby (Catsadorakis, 1997a).
Prespa contains over 1300 species of plants (Pavlides, 1997) and
more than 40 species of mammals, including brown bear (Ursus arctos),
wolf (Canis lupus), chamois (Rupicapra rupicapra), wild boar (Sus
scrofa) (Chaini, 1999). Extensive areas of common reed (Phragmites
australis) and many shallow lagoons in Prespa create important
marshlands for large colonies of breeding birds. Among the 261 bird
species that have been observed in the Prespa area since the late 1960s,
164 breed in the park including the internationally important Dalmatian
Pelican Pelecanus crispus), Great White Pelican (Pelecanus onocrotalus)
and Pygmy Cormorant (Phalacrocorax pygmaeus) (Catsadorakis, 1997b).
Human activities, over many centuries, have played a key role in
shaping the natural environment of Prespa National Park. Byzantine
churches, monasteries, 15th century wall paintings, hermitages and
traditional stone buildings survive as evidence of Prespa's long
cultural history. Currently there are thirteen communities in the park
with a resident population of approximately 1300 people (Catsadorakis
and Malakou, 1997). Prespa National Park is located in a contentious
border area and the twentieth century proved to be quite a difficult
time for the people of the area with conflict and depopulation as a
result of the Macedonian Struggle, the First and Second Balkan Wars, the
two World Wars and then the Greek Civil War. Some abandoned villages
were resettled at a later date while others were deserted for good. The
Greek government attempted to repopulate the area by settling 4000
Pontios Black Sea refugees in the mid-1920s and then 1700 Vlach
shepherds in the 1950s. The population has still decreased signific
antly from the approximately 10,000 inhabitants present at the beginning
of the twentieth century and the other 5700 people who were resettled in
the area (Figure 2).
The Prespa region had a traditional subsistence economy, which
combined crop farming with livestock breeding, fishing, and collecting
from nature, well past the 1940S (Valaoras, 1998). This drastically
changed in the early 1960s when a surface irrigation network was
established to convert rain fed crops to irrigated ones in order to
increase production and farmer's incomes (Catsadorakis and Malakou,
1997; Valaoras, 1998). About two-thirds of the network is served by
water pumped from Lake Mikri Prespa, while the rest comes from the
perennial stream of Agios Germanos (Pyrovetsi and Gerakis, 1987). The
irrigation measures resulted in the disappearance of 35 ha of wetland
area by drainage (Pyrovetsi and Gerakis, 1987).
The increasing intensification of agriculture gradually displaced
the subsistence economy. By 1986, the monoculture cultivation of dry
white haricot beans had begun to replace mixed farming methods and then
dominated the agriculture in the park throughout the 1990s. Most of the
cultivated area is now on the lowlands which are immediately adjacent to
the lake's eastern shores and, therefore, to the park nucleus
(Pyrovetsi and Gerakis, 1987). This has increased the non-point source
agricultural pollution to the wetland and fake areas (Pyrovetsi and
Gerakis, 1987). Currently, the Prespiot farmers cultivate a total land
area of approximately 5 ha spread out on about six plots (Pyrovetsi and
Dacutopoulos, 1999).
Land redistribution took place three times between 1959 and 1979
mainly to serve the irrigation system (Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997).
The designation of the area as a National Park did not affect land
ownership status and most of this land is still privately owned
(Pyrovetsi and Gerakis, 1987). However, since about forty percent of
this land belongs to absentee landowners, a significant percentage of
farmers' income is being transferred to other regions in the form
of rents (Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997).
There has also been considerable human modification to the
hydrology of the region. Loffler et al. (1998) state the water level of
Lake Megali Prespa has dropped 6m since the 1950s and attributes the
drop to the steady expansion of irrigation networks. Lake Mikri Prespa
is believed to have entered a critical stage of eutrophication due to
agricultural runoff (IUCN, 1987; Loffler et al., 1998; Michaloudi et al.
1997; Tryfon and Moustaka-Gouni, 1997), however more research and better
testing of the water quality of the lakes are required (Golterman,
2001).
Fisheries have long existed on the two Prespa lakes, but only the
inhabitants of the village of Psarades on Megali Prespa were and still
are full-time fishers (Crivelli et al., 1997). The others are mainly
farmers who fish in their spare time. Since 1945, the number of active
fishermen has constantly decreased and it is difficult to know how many
currently continue fishing on the Prespa lakes (Crivelli et al., 1997).
Some fish are sold by the fishers themselves but most are sold to
merchants who drive around locally and sell their fish (Catsadorakis and
Malakou, 1997). Fishermen sometimes supplement their income by taking
visitors on their boats for trips on the lake and others keep fish
taverns where they cook part of their catch.
The area remained secluded and unapproachable for decades and even
after the Greek Civil war, access to visitors was kept under strict
military control up to the late 1960s (Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997).
Prior to the War, Prespa attracted mainly day visitors from the nearby
towns of Kastoria and Florina, who came principally to swim in Lake
Megali Prespa, hike or picnic and visit the Byzantine monuments
(Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997). These recreation activities continued
again in the 1960s (Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997).
The scenic and natural values of the area eventually gained more
public recognition, especially after the designation of the National
Park in 1974, and attracted mainly foreign birdwatchers and naturalists
who were accommodated in the old family-hospitality way (Catsadorakis
and Malakou, 1997). Gradually, rooms, guesthouses and tavernas began to
be established. In 1973, there were 27 beds in the area, distributed as
14 small rooms in family houses and two small hostels, dispersed among
three villages (Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997). By 1994, three guest
houses and a hotel had been built, increasing the number of available
rooms to 57 with the total number of beds reaching 124, which is still
lower than the demand in peak season (Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997).
The National Park infrastructure for visitors is scarce, although the
quality of services is improving.
In 1991, the Society for the Protection of Prespa (SPP)--a
federation of seven Greek environmental organizations and three from
elsewhere in Europe--was founded. The SPP mission is to conserve
Prespa's natural environment and cultural heritage, as well as to
promote sustainable development (Chaini, 1999). In 1992, an
Information/Vistior Centre was established in Prespa by the SPP, the
first of its kind in a Greek National Park (Valaoras, 1998). The centre,
which is visited annually by more than 6000 people, is run by five young
local people who were trained as ecoguides and work in an environmental
education programme which attracts more than 5000 students annually
(Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997). Other SPP activities have included the
support of organic farming and the marketing of local products, such as
woollen socks, herbs, dried beans and preserves, through information
centres.
Perspectives of key Prespa stakeholders
The Prespa environment fulfills a variety of roles and functions
depending on the observer's needs, wants, beliefs, and attitudes.
As can be seen from the previous description of the area, its people and
their activities, perspectives concerning the national park will vary.
For example, Prespa may be seen as a protected area, a mountainous
environment, an important wetland area, a biological and genetic
reservoir, an agricultural and grazing area, a culturally and
archaeologically significant region, a village locale, or a place for
social interaction. This list is by no means inclusive or exclusionary,
since there are numerous ways to perceive the area and for many
individuals it will probably serve more than one purpose. However, it is
the assumption of the author that appreciating some of the ways in which
major stakeholder interests view the area could potentially assist in
the development of future management directions and initiatives. Thus,
the general viewpoints of four key stakeholder groups affectin g Prespa
National Park are outlined in Table 1. The author acknowledges that this
is a considerable simplification of the stakeholder complexity in the
area, but hopes the four groupings can adequately demonstrate some of
the major issues. The four stakeholder groups have different priorities,
interests and objectives from which conflict may arise. Understanding
these differences may help in balancing conflicting purposes and aims,
determining tradeoffs and developing a common vision all of which could
potentially improve Prespa's future environmental integrity.
The Local Communities
Inhabitants' attitudes toward the Prespa National Park
designation have varied from indifference to hostility due to the fact
that the decision was made without any previous discussion or
consultation with the communities (Pyrovetsi and Gerakis, 1987). Local
people related conservation not only with prohibitions and restrictions,
but also with a loss of control in any decisions made for their future
(Chaini, 1999). Various efforts to sustain the rural economy have not
been successful and there is a general tendency to blame the mere
existence of the park for social and economic problems which are
actually common in most other isolated rural areas of Greece (Pyrovetsi
and Gerakis, 1987). Remote rural area problems in Greece include
depopulation; sense of social isolation; the low level of farmers'
and cattle raisers' professional skills; difficulties in marketing
local products; inadequate services; and impoverishment of biodiversity
(Chaini, 1999). Generally, the thirteen communities are concerned with
their survival and economic well being; believe the natural resources
are theirs to use; and are ignorant of environmental impacts.
Although some of the local people are still hostile towards the
park, the majority now seem more indifferent to its existence and see
the park as a separate entity not involving them. Trakolis (2001) found
that 15 percent of Prespiots interviewed did not know whether they lived
in the National Park or beside it. The locals in the sample who answered
that their village was inside the park, was less by 28 percent than
those who actually lived in the park.
Local inhabitants expressed similar feelings towards the
environmental NGO. Even though there are locals who are still hostile
towards the environmental group, for the most part, the local people
ignore them. The SPP has been working in the park for over ten years, so
locals have become accustomed to their presence. However, they tend to
disregard the SPP unless the NGO attempts to do something that the
locals feel will affect them negatively, especially in economic terms.
Some locals think the SPP does some 'good things' for the
birds, while others blame the SPP for social and economic problems
beyond the control of the SPP, such as the lack of visitors to their
community.
The Environmental NGO
The Managing Director of the SPP states its priority objectives as
follows: (1) maintaining the water level of Lake Mikri Prespa; (2)
securing the implementation of appropriate legislation for the park; (3)
establishing a park management authority; (4) assisting in the
organization of the transboundary Prespa park (with Albania and FYROM);
and (5) managing the wet meadows around the lakes (personal interview,
16 August 2001). The SPP Director asserts that these objectives should
not be seen as separate from the local people and since primary sector
activity is very important in the area, it is also a concern of the SPP
(personal interview, 16 August 2001). The SPP is focused on protecting
Prespa's natural environment and preserving its cultural heritage.
However, there seems to be little evidence of the SPP trying to involve
local people in decision-making. The intense hostility the NGO
encountered from local inhabitants when it began may be a factor
contributing to minimal local involvement. The SPP does hav e some young
locals who have been trained as ecoguides for Prespa's Information
Centre. They are very helpful and knowledgeable concerning the Prespa
environment, however, some individuals exhibited limited awareness and
understanding of broader environmental issues. The members of the SPP
appear to be a tight knit group that tends to mostly socialize with each
other.
The Greek Government
Although Greece's acceptance as a full member of the European
Union in January 1981 set the environment high on the government's
agenda (Kazakos, 1994; Lekakis, 1995), Greece's ultimate national
policy objective is rapid economic growth, as a means of converging with
the northern EU member states (Fousekis and Lekakis, 1997). The Greek
state is supportive of the economic development of Prespa and does not
tend to enforce or push forth conservation measures (Chaini, 1999).
Papageorgiou and Brotherton (1999) state scarce funding, insufficient
staff--who are inadequately trained in park management--and the lack of
a special independent park administration as bottlenecks in effective
environmental protection in Greece. Various aspects of the park fall
under the jurisdiction of different authorities. The Prespa region has
had at least eight different government authorities--at local, regional
and national levels--prepare separate development plans, either for the
National Park or for a larger area including the pa rk (Trakolis, 2001).
For example, Ramsar wetlands fall under the jurisdiction of the Ministry
of Environmental Planning and Public Works, while National Parks are the
responsibility of the Forest Service under the Ministry of Agriculture.
Over the past couple of decades, the EU has provided funding to
assist Prespa's development through initiatives such as the CADISPA
(Conservation and Development in Sparsely Populated Areas) programme and
the LEADER II initiative, which is intended for local entrepreneurs to
develop ecotourism projects. A large traditional guesthouse was recently
built on the island Agios Achillios with such EU funding. A few
individuals from Prespa suggested to the author that these types of
opportunities might be unknown or difficult to obtain for some of the
local residents due to a lack of awareness, skills, and impetus required
for such applications.
The Greek State has in the past been accused of using EU funding
for illfated projects and inappropriate works, with a disastrous
Integrated Mediterranean Programme (IMP) being one example. In 1984, the
Prespa area was chosen for a pilot IMP action financed by the European
Economic Community (EEC). IMPs were intended to assist the
socio-economic development of certain poorly developed Mediterranean
regions in a coordinated manner. A group of multidisciplinary scientists
were brought together to assess the Prespa pilot action through an
integrated analysis. This study team provided documentation suggesting
that the operations of the pilot action plan in Prespa, such as the
irrigation/drainage system and the fish breeding station (to be built in
the most ecologically sensitive area of the park), would have severe
environmental impacts (Pyrovetsi, 1989). All suggestions and
recommendations of the study team were disregarded by the Greek national
government, specifically the Ministry of the National Economy, whi ch
coordinated and supervised the whole action. Secrecy prevailed and the
IMP was launched with very little publicity.
Impacts of the IMP works included cutting the last remnant tract of
old forest within the agricultural area, drainage of the last inland
marshes, removal of 60,000 trees growing within streambeds and drainage
ditches, and construction of a fish-breeding station with open ponds on
five hectares of wet meadows and pastures (Catsadorakis and Malakou,
1997). The centralizing character of the Greek government became more
apparent since all decisions were made in Athens and no cooperation
existed between local authorities and the decision makers (Pyrovetsi,
1989). There was no consultation or participation of the local people
who would be most affected by the IMP works.
Various government agencies, such as the Ministry of the
Environment and the Forest Service of the Ministry of Agriculture, did
not have an opportunity to exercise their jurisdiction over their
interests in this project since they were not consulted or even informed
about the details of the Programme (Pyrovetsi, 1989). It was the
dissemination of facts to the media that actually led to the halting of
the IMP works and the fish breeding station never operated due to
serious environmental outcry and protest throughout Greece and the EU
(Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997). The Royal Society for the Protection
of Birds of the United Kingdom (RSPB) and the Hellenic Ornithological
Society (HOS) sued Greece through the European Community for the
irreversible damage the IMP had caused to the Prespa environment. This
event not only resulted in Greece being condemned by European
Parliament, but also allowed the wider public to hear about Prespa
through widespread media coverage (Catsadorakis and Malakou, 1997).
The European Union
Although the EU has a number of directives and policies that are
aimed at preserving the environment, others such as the Common
Agricultural Policy (CAP) are a major driving force in the continuing
technological revolution and intensification in Greek farming. The CAP
is a pan-European agricultural policy that has been criticized for being
mainly based on experiences and policies applying to northern EU
countries, which do not correspond with the actual environmental
problems caused by Greek agricultural activities (Beopoulos and Skuras,
1997).
Intensive production practices are aided by CAP price subsidies,
which focus support on more productive farms, rather than those that
contribute to more environmental and social goals (Caraveli, 2000).
Hondraki-Birbili and Lucas (1997) conclude that the CAP fails to deal
with the variable and local nature of agricultural systems and the
environmental and social needs of rural Greece. The CAP has been blamed
for leading to drastic changes in the natural environment of Greece and
altering the socioeconomic dynamics of Greek rural society (Kasimis and
Louloudis, 1997).
Conclusions
Conflicts are likely to arise when different stakeholder groups or
individuals envision alternative uses and futures for the same area. For
example, the local people appear mainly to view Prespa's natural
environment as a means to realize their own (and their family's)
survival and as a resource from which to ascertain economic benefits.
The SPP, on the other hand, is more concerned with preserving the
integrity and quality of specific environmental characteristics of the
region. The Greek government is focused on protecting its national
borders from outside threats in what has been a highly contentious area,
while the EU hopes to protect internationally important aspects of
Prespa, such as the Ramsar wetland, which fall under European policies
and protocols.
Understanding differences such as these as well as community
dynamics and the local cultural context may contribute to the
construction of more acceptable initiatives and goals for future
planning. In the case of Prespa National Park, the local communities are
a large component of the system and should be involved in the planning
process. Without cooperation from local people it is unlikely that
conservation efforts in the park will be overly successful in the long
term. The Greek government is very supportive of economic growth in
Prespa, chiefly to keep people living in what is considered a
contentious border area. Therefore, it is more likely that locally
supported environmental projects will do well and meet conservation
aims.
Although the SPP has a great environmental education program for
those visiting the area, very little dialogue and communication seems to
have been achieved with local inhabitants--possibly due to past
hostility and fear of confrontation. The locals' mistrust of
authority and fear of losing their autonomy are major obstacles to the
promotion of environmental education in Prespa. Hence, just telling
villagers about the natural assets of the park, such as a slide show the
SPP held in a local village which the author observed while in the
field, is not likely to be very successful on its own.
The local people seem to wish to have their voices and opinions
heard. Any approach to participatory decision making will probably have
to be dynamic and interactive, such as a series of public meetings in
each of the villages where--at first--the environment may not be the
major focus. To encourage participation from people in the area, such
meetings would have to focus on themes that are socially relevant and
that are seen as important to the local people. It would also be
imperative to demonstrate how these meetings would benefit those
involved by perhaps establishing short- and long-term goals for
community projects. Environmental concerns, such as improper fertilizer
and pesticide practices and disposal, could eventually be discussed in
terms of their impact on water quality and human health.
While large-scale initiatives like the creation of the Balkan park
are important for the entire region's future, smaller scale
projects could also be implemented. Perhaps more of a grassroots
approach towards environmental protection could be considered. For
example, litter is a large problem in the park, so conceivably litter
pick-ups could be organized through communities and schools. As well,
coordination of local projects and plans by the municipal government,
local communities, environmental NGO, and/or local forest service should
be considered. However given that much of this problem arises at the
national level with inter-ministerial competition and the top-down
government structure, the potential for successfully implementing
locally coordinated projects may be limited.
A potential step towards cooperation in Prespa--which may
nonetheless involve conflict--is for the different groups of people to
recognize one another, instead of ignoring each other's existence.
A sense of community needs to be restored in the area, following the
belief that if the local people care about where they live, they are
more apt to want to protect it. The bitterness and self-interest that
has developed is as destructive to the environment's health as it
is to the area's social sustainability. A recently formed cultural
NGO called The Cultural Triangle of Prespa" could potentially help
foster community spirit through its local initiatives, which so far have
included the establishment of a library and an arts festival, involving
art workshops in each of the Prespa villages.
Prespa National Park is a unique environment with significant
natural and cultural elements that are being seriously threatened.
Although the environmental NGO has been successful in many of its
initiatives, it has failed to attain support and cooperation from the
majority of the local people. The centralizing character of the Greek
government has led to funds being spent on inappropriate development in
the region, which has often been economically and environmentally
costly. A cohesive social identity and cooperative spirit in the local
communities is integral to improving Prespa's social health, which
fundamentally impacts the park's biophysical environment.
Currently, specific park administration and planning in Prespa is
virtually nonexistent and development in the area is carried out in an
ad hoc fashion through various ministries and levels of government.
Identifying and appreciating the different views and major driving
forces in the community could be seen as a first step to developing more
coordinat ed, appropriate and successful planning for the area.
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
Table 1
Current Perspectives and Roles of Prespa Stakeholders
European Union Greek
(EU) Government
Imperative Implementing Boosting
regional/transnational economic growth;
policies; forming trade implementing
partnerships; laws; concern for
strengthening global social welfare of
identity as a citizens (not
conglomerate equitable)
Legitimization Accession of Legal authority
member states and power
Basis for Bureaucratic Legalities,
Decisions precedent; political political realities
wills and realities and bureaucratic
precedent
View of Use and protect Means to achieve
Natural within the confines an end; little
Resources of EU policy protection offered
by statutory
mandates
Approach to Agendas, policies Very weak
Environmental and agreements; mandates;
Protection member state protection in
pressure tactics name only
Attitude Generally desirable Very important
Towards within the context of priority
Economic EU policy
Growth
European Union Prespa
(EU) Communities
Imperative Implementing Protecting
regional/transnational community
policies; forming trade and individual
partnerships; well-being;
strengthening global meeting basic
identity as a needs
conglomerate
Legitimization Accession of Group identity
member states and social
justice
Basis for Bureaucratic Short- to
Decisions precedent; political medium- term
wills and realities preservation of
community
and economic
well-being
View of Use and protect Use to benefit
Natural within the confines community
Resources of EU policy
Approach to Agendas, policies Hostility to
Environmental and agreements; indifference;
Protection member state ignorance of
pressure tactics environmental
issues/impacts
Attitude Generally desirable Desirable in
Towards within the context of the context of
Economic EU policy benefits to the
Growth community
SPP
European Union (Environmental
(EU) NGO)
Imperative Implementing Preserving
regional/transnational and
policies; forming trade protecting
partnerships; the natural
strengthening global environment
identity as a
conglomerate
Legitimization Accession of Principles
member states and passions
Basis for Bureaucratic Long-term
Decisions precedent; political preservation
wills and realities of natural
systems
View of Use and protect Ends unto
Natural within the confines themselves;
Resources of EU policy use only
within
prescribed
limits
Approach to Agendas, policies Legislative
Environmental and agreements; prescriptions,
Protection member state political will,
pressure tactics ethical
values
Attitude Generally desirable Only desirable
Towards within the context of if it balances
Economic EU policy environmental,
Growth economic and
social factors
(Adapted from Sexton et al., 1999: 8)
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Author Biography
Stephanie Janetos is pursuing her Masters degree in Geography from
the Faculty of Environmental Studies at the University of Waterloo. Her
research interests include human ecological linkages, rural community
development, and integrated approaches to environmental and natural
resource management. She can be contacted at
stephaniejanetos@hotmail.com.
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