Organizations and society are concerned about unethical behavior.
One type of unethical behavior is crimes of obedience, where followers
are influenced by a leader to engage in behavior they would otherwise
consider unethical. In this article, the author proposes that people who
see themselves as leadership material and hold leaders in high esteem
are more likely to view leaders as having more responsibility for
ethical decisions and behaviors than followers. Consequently, such
persons when placed in a follower position may be more susceptible to
commit crimes of obedience through the process of moral disengagement by
displacing responsibility for their behavior onto the leader.
Keywords: obedience; leadership; followers; moral responsibility;
moral disengagement
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Incidents of corporate fraud such as those involving Enron, Arthur
Anderson, Tyco, and MCI and the Abu Ghrave prison abuse scandal have
once again highlighted the importance of ethical behavior in
organizations (Bandura, Caprara, & Zsolnai, 2000; Mintzberg, Simons,
& Basu, 2002). Of particular concern is the willingness of persons
in follower positions to unquestioningly obey an unethical leader. In
several of the more publicized recent scandals, followers engaged in
unethical behavior at the direction of a leader, then excused their
actions by arguing that they were merely following orders. These
followers apparently believed that given their position in their
organization's hierarchy, they were not completely responsible for
their own ethical behavior.
This article addresses the problem of follower obedience to
unethical orders from the perspective of the follower by focusing on
follower characteristics that might contribute to some people being more
likely than others to obey a leader's unethical directives. In this
article, I propose that over the course of their lives, people receive a
range of feedback regarding their leadership potential. This feedback
affects their perceptions of leadership and their place in the
leader-follower relationship. These perceptions combine to influence an
individual's beliefs regarding the relative moral responsibility of
leaders versus followers. The model presented in this article proposes
that susceptibility to the influence of an unethical leader is related
to leadership perceptions through beliefs regarding the relative moral
responsibility of leaders versus followers.
There are unique ethical problems embedded in the leader--follower
relationship (Hollander, 1995). Leaders can order followers to engage in
unethical behavior and often obtain compliance because of the power
imbalance. Through this process, the unethical behavior of a person in a
leadership position can be amplified throughout an organization (Lord
& DeZoort, 2001; Meeus & Raaijmakers, 1986). This dynamic, where
subordinates succumb to the influence of a leader and the pressures of
the leader-follower relationship and behave in ways they would otherwise
deem unethical, is termed crimes of obedience. Crimes of obedience does
not refer to instances where the leader and follower are partners in
crime but rather refers to follower behaviors that absent a
leader's influence, the follower would not engage in (Beu &
Buckley, 2004).
The importance of situational variables on a person's
likelihood to obey unethical orders is often associated with
Milgram's studies (Blass, 1991). However, situational factors alone
could not explain obedience in Milgram's experiments as, regardless
of the situational manipulation, some people refused to obey. Overall,
about 65% of the participants in Milgram's obedience studies were
obedient to authority, whereas 35% were not (Blass, 1999). Although
Milgram emphasized the importance of the situation on obedience, he
believed personality variables were also a factor and noted, "I am
certain that there is a complex personality basis to obedience and
disobedience. But I know we did not find it" (Milgram, 1974, p.
205).
Milgram (1974) believed that the tendency to obey the orders of a
superior is not instinctive. He offered three possible explanations for
why some people obey and some do not (Browning, 1992): (a) Over the
course of time, evolution may have favored those who adapted to the
pressures of hierarchical systems, (b) people may have been socialized
to obey through systems that reward obedience and punish disobedience,
and (c) when people voluntarily enter hierarchical systems they believe
to be legitimate, they may develop a sense of obligation to adopt the
perspective of those in authority and consequently feel less responsible
for their behaviors. Subsequent studies have identified some
relationships between obedience and individual differences, such as
moral development, social intelligence, authoritarianism, hostility,
locus of control, and demographic variables, such as education level,
religious orientation, and national culture (see Blass, 1991, for a
detailed review).
More recently, researchers who have explored the phenomena of
crimes of obedience have examined leader characteristics that would make
a leader prone to issuing unethical directives and that would predict
success at influencing followers to obey those directives (Bandura,
1999a; Beu & Buckley, 2004). This approach suggests that crimes of
obedience could be reduced through selection techniques designed to keep
certain people out of leadership positions or by altering the ethical
behavior of those in leader positions through training. Very seldom is
the focus placed on nonleaders, and in most leader-focused studies,
followers are generally depicted as a homogenous group.
The primary contention of this article is that followers who see
themselves as less responsible for moral decisions than leaders are more
susceptible to the influence of an unethical leader. Beyond that,
certain beliefs about leadership, specifically, the estimation of
one's ability to perform as a leader (leadership self-efficacy),
the degree to which one desires to be in a leadership position
(motivation to lead), and the extent to which one attributes
organizational success to leadership (romance of leadership beliefs),
may predict the likelihood of viewing leaders as more responsible for
ethical decisions than followers.
Leadership Beliefs and Follower Propensity to Commit Crimes of
Obedience
A key concept in the study of crimes of obedience is moral
responsibility (Meeus & Raaijmakers, 1986). Milgram (1974) noted,
"The essence of obedience consists in the fact that a person comes
to view himself as the instrument for carrying out another person's
wishes, and he therefore no longer sees himself as responsible for his
actions" (p. xii). To be morally responsible is to be called on to
answer for what one has done (Hamilton & Sanders, 1992). Because of
status and power differences, a leader may be viewed as having more
moral responsibility than a follower (Emler & Hogan, 1991; Hamilton
& Hagiwara, 1992), and in practice, particularly in retrospect,
followers are often held to a lesser standard. For example, enlisted
personnel who had participated in the Mai Lai massacre were not punished
as harshly as the officers who had participated (Hamilton, 1986; Kelman
& Hamilton, 1989).
From a prospective view however, organizations certainly want both
leaders and followers to behave ethically. Ideally, followers should
possess a strong sense of moral responsibility (Meeus & Raaijmakers,
1986). They should be able to cooperate with an ethical leader yet
recognize and resist a leader's attempt to get them to comply with
unethical orders (Chaleff, 1995; Howell & Costley, 2006; Kelley,
1992; Trevino, 1986). In this article, I assume that it is desirable
that followers view themselves as being morally responsible for their
own actions and, when comparing their level of moral responsibility to
that of their leaders, view themselves as equally morally responsible.
Figure 1 presents a model of the relationship between leadership beliefs
and follower propensity to commit crimes of obedience. Following are
propositions regarding the specific relationships depicted in the model.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Moral Responsibility Beliefs and Propensity to Commit Crimes of
Obedience
According to social cognitive theory, moral agency is embedded in
self-regulatory mechanisms such as personal standards and
self-sanctions, and ethical behavior requires that these self-regulatory
mechanisms be activated to work (Bandura, 1999b). The selective
disengagement of the internal self-regulatory standards that prevent
people from committing inhumane acts is termed moral disengagement
(Bandura, 1999b). According to Bandura (1999b), there are three ways for
moral disengagement to occur: (a) by cognitively reconstructing the
questionable behavior through advantageous comparisons, euphemistic
labeling, or moral justification; (b) by minimizing one's
involvement in the behavior through the displacement or diffusion of
responsibility or by distorting the consequences; and (c) by
dehumanizing or blaming the victim.
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